The negation of powerlessness: Maori feminism, a perspective.
|Abstract:||Maori women have not been actively involved in New Zealand's political development, which has rendered them powerless in the society. This powerlessness has extended to the fields of economic development and broadcasting. Thus, some proponents of the indigenous group have called for a renewal of political empowerment for Maori women to uphold their status in society.|
Indigenous peoples (Political activity)
|Publication:||Name: Hecate Publisher: Hecate Press Audience: Academic Format: Magazine/Journal Subject: Women's issues/gender studies Copyright: COPYRIGHT 1994 Hecate Press ISSN: 0311-4198|
|Issue:||Date: Oct, 1994 Source Volume: v20 Source Issue: n2|
There is a void in our conceptual topography as Maori Women. The void
has been created by the internalisation of powerlessness as a
consequence of emergent power cliques which are a reflection of dominant
power relations. In the clamour to fill the void of Mana Whenua, the
quintessence of the Maori psyche - Mana Wairua maintains barely, by
virtue of Mana Wahine.
He tau pai te tau He tau ora te tau He tau ngehe te tau He tau mo te wahine Rapua he purapura e ora ai te iwi.
The year is good A year of well being A year of peace A year for women We must seek that which will be of greatest benefit for people.
Ko tenei whakatauki, no Tawhiao mo tana Tuawahine - anei nga kupu, anei te timatanga o taku korero.
This whakatauki was quoted by Tawhiao in remembrance of the deeds of one of his Tuawahine who had ordered the slaying and skinning of her pet dogs so that the tribe could be fed and kept warm. It was a chivalrous act of a woman who sacrificed her treasures for the greater good. It was an act deserving of honour from no less than a King.
The background to preparing this paper has been nearly twenty years of involvement in political activism and Maori development. This paper is part of an ongoing effort to find some explanation for how and why we are responding to what is happening to us as a people. Further it looks at our own context and how we as indigenous people have been forced outward to bend with other indigenous peoples against the closing ranks of the power culture within. The paper analyses events and actions in women's political leadership, Maori economic development and broadcasting. It challenges the gatekeepers of Maori thinking within and outside of Maori society.
As a consequence of the debasement of our own culture there has been an erosion of our power and status as a people and as women. A void has been created and a new set of power relations has emerged. The new power relations are dominated by cliques which accommodate to political pragmatism and are largely a revision of Maori ideologies.
In this paper I want to look at the linkages between Mann Wahine, Mann Whenua and Mana Wairua.
In a submission to the Waitangi Tribunal during the Muriwhenua Claim in 1987 Dame Mira Szaszy provided a thesis on the interrelatedness of women and land.(1) In it she analysed linguistically and literally the reproductive process and its parallels in Maori social groupings and organisation.
The reproductive process itself is the means of whakapapa and the foundation of Maori existence and endurance, hence the linkage between individuals - he tangata, whanau - the family or extended family and the birthing process, hapu - the sub-tribe and a state of pregnancy and iwi - the tribe and one's bones.
The critical link between women and tribal sustainability is self-evident and epitomised in the famous whakatauki "He Wahine, He Whenua - E era ai te Iwi" meaning "By Women and Land, People are sustained". However, one should not draw the conclusion that it is from the relationship between women and land alone that women derive their mann or status in Maori society. If Mann Whenua is taken as a metaphoric and generic reference to resources, Maori women have inherent rights and status and, as such, an established basis from which to claim benefit.
In our early mythology the deeds of the Goddesses Mahuika, Muriranga-whenua, Hine Nui-Te-Po and Hine Ahu-One provide a blueprint for the feminine dimension of the divine. Hine Ahu-One in particular, the first being created was not only human and divine but also a woman. In waka descent stories, the deeds of Nga Tuawahine such as Kahutianui were recognised by virtue of their chiefly status. In her case the continuance of her chiefly line was further recognised by the naming of Ngati Kahu after her.
Mana Whenua is therefore the means by which political and inherited rights are underscored through legal recognition and economic development.
In the context of this paper the term Mana Wahine signifies the process of self-determination by which we determine our social and cultural future and give effect to our status as tangata whenua - as Maori women. There is a link between Mana Wahine and Mana Tangata insofar as Mana Wahine denotes practices and procedures in exercise of self-determination which are peculiar to women. Such practices and procedures are collectively performed by women or as part of Maori social groupings or activities which contribute to the self-determination of Maori as Tangata Whenua.
Mana Wairua deals with our mental and spiritual well-being, the two waters of balance between negative and positive epitomised in a sense of belief in something greater than humanity. The destruction of Mana Wairua was a prerequisite to successful colonisation. It was replaced by Judeo-Christian beliefs and practices. The twin pillars of European society, the church and the family, provided the value system for establishing the state and the judiciary. Collectively, once the land wars were over, the church and European nuclear family, the state and judiciary, sought the destruction of Mana Whenua, Mana Tangata and Mana Wairua.
Of all the efforts to maintain our status as a people, it is Mana Wairua, that sustains Mana Wahine. The vesting of the continuance of people in women "te whare tapu o te tangata" - is really the only basis by which we can be assured of the ultimate persistence of Mana Wairua. Despite adopted and adapted spiritual practices and beliefs, the ancient and pluriform system of beliefs and values has been largely reduced to cultural dregs, so much so that now there is a belief amongst our own people that Judeo-Christian beliefs and teachings existed in Aotearoa before the missionaries came.
In recent studies of Maori Leadership, Professor Ranginui Walker and Professor Hirini Mead(2) along with a group of kaumatua advisers to Te Puni Kokiri, defined leadership models and decision making. The studies were in response to the capture of leadership roles and resources by a recent wave of Maori leaders defined as "sub-altern". The study is a radical statement and yet it is not so radical when compared with the marae-based challenges issued to conservative Maori leadership about the Treaty of Waitangi in the 1970s and 1980s.
The study looks at Maori leaders who have featured in interaction with government. There is mention of Mahuika's thesis on women leaders in Ngati Porou.(3) However, from my own knowledge the Maori Women's Welfare League, Te Kohanga Reo, Kura Kaupapa, Te Reo Maori and Nga Tamatoa are all organisations in which women played an important role. Of the thirty government and non-government organisations which are Maori by membership or task, three are known to be significantly controlled by women. The study is resoundingly androcentric. It is a disappointment in terms of Ranginui Walker's earlier work Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou: Struggle Without End,(4) in which there is distinct recognition of the role of Maori female leadership. In that respect it is a way that our men have come to adopt Pakeha values when analysing our own society.
On the issue of political leadership alone, it is not generally known that at least three Maori women signed the Treaty of Waitangi, but it is true. They were:
Ereonora - the wife of Nopera Panakareao from Te Rarawa who was also of chiefly rank and was from Ngati Kahu.
Topeora - of Ngati Tea and Raukawa descent. According to her iwi she was a niece of Te Rauparaha and also his military strategist. She was the General and he was her hatchet man. His escape from death was engineered by her - hence the famous haka "Ka Mate, Ka Mate".
Te Rau o Te Rangi - of Te Whanau Wharekauri and Ngati Tea, she was a tupuna kuia who swam from Kapiti Island to the mainland with her baby strapped to her shoulders to warn her people of invaders from Kapiti.
Tania Rei has recorded a whakapapa of Maori women's political involvements since the Treaty focusing on the critical role which Maori women played in Kotahitanga and women's suffrage.
In May 1893, a motion was put before Kotahitanga by Meri Mangakahia of Te Rarawa, on behalf of women seeking the right to vote and to stand as members of Kotahitanga. In spite of not gaining these rights until 1897, Maori women organised themselves to tackle the problems they were experiencing. . . . Mangakahia's motion was also the catalyst for the formation of Nga Komiti Wahine, tribally based Maori women's Committees, throughout the country.(5)
Maori Women's Suffrage was not universally supported within Maori ranks. An alliance with the Women's Christian Temperance Union was required in order to get the vote for Maori women through. Maori women joined the Union in droves and were required to subcribe to the rules and regulations of the Union in return for the Union's support. The rules were an assortment of pious demands based on the Union's Eurocentric view of women and families, but the highest price extracted for their support was that Maori women should revoke the tradition of ta moko. I can think of no more firing manner in which to celebrate suffrage than to begin again the tradition of ta moko.
Maori female leadership has changed as much as male leadership since the end of the second World War. The end of the War signalled a vastly different Maori society precipitated by the shift of Maori from rural areas to the cities. This move was led by Maori women who sought employment in the towns and cities while the men went off to War. It is said that a vacuum was created in Maori leadership as the result of the attraction of Maori men into the Maori Battalion during World War II. The efforts of the Battalion and the price they paid for "citizenship" of their own country have been recalled ad nauseam. However, I am not satisfied that the Battalion did deplete the total Maori leadership potential. Even if the Second World War had not occurred, the shift to the urban areas was inevitable and with it a new type of social order was required. The emergence of Maori female leadership was the ultimate solution to the leadership vacuum.
The leadership which did emerge from the post-War era was largely through the Maori Women's Welfare League. The League was established in 1951 largely to facilitate the implementation of government social and economic policies arising from the changed social conditions. The League was established with the assistance of the Secretary for Maori Affairs, Rangi Royal, and for many years all administrative assistance for the League came from the Department of Maori Affairs. Until the establishment of the Maori Council in 1962, the League was the authoritative voice of Maori in dealing with government. And deal with government it did - across a vast array of social and economic issues.
The establishment of the Council saw the beginning of the dichotomy of power and development in Maori society, with the Council men moving politically to collaborate directly with conservative Pakeha political forces in order to establish a power clique which pushed the League and women's voices into the background.
With the exception of intermittent periods of inspired leadership from the League, and a more focused approach to social, welfare and educational issues from such Presidents as Mira Szaszy and Elizabeth Murchie, the League's visibility on high profile political issues became more by way of annual conference remits.
The emergence of the feminist movement in the 1970s coincided with the revitalisation of Maori protest focused on the Treaty of Waitangi, land and language.
The Maori protest movement of the 1970s and 1980s was largely feminist-led. From the momentum created by the feminist movement and the land/language/Treaty protests, we forged a consciousness and dialect of Maori feminism. There was a distinct difference between what we called white feminism and Maori feminism. The difference lay in the fact that Maori feminism was grounded in the identity and creation of this country, grounded in the rivers, lakes, mountains, seas and forests, grounded in the war and peace between tribes and families, grounded in the whakapapa of generations of families, tribes, waka, Gods and Goddesses, grounded in notions and concepts of time and space that required reclamation, and if the price was a re-fashioning of Maori society than so be it.
We marched against our own people in order for the Treaty to be put back on the agenda. We marched in the hot sun along those sticky tar sealed roads as our: people drove by on holiday - not just literally but in terms of consciousness they were on holiday, they just didn't want to know about the Treaty. The old people say that Waitangi is where the waters weep. I used to wonder about the double innuendo as we braced ourselves each year for the yet another rebuke on our own marae.
We sang at the Pakuranga Rotary Club once, the only necks that weren't red in the gathering were mine, Donna Awatere's and Waka Nathan's. Donna had been invited to sing Schubert Leider. They had arranged a grand piano on the stage and welcomed us, inviting us to speak about Maori education and for Donna to sing. We spoke about Maori education and the Treaty and the room warmed up. Then we sang:
How much longer must we wait for the rights that we should have guaranteed us to Waitangi to our seafood and our land and how long will you treat us as though we can be ignored can't you see that we are angry we are angry and we won't wait any longer
When we had finished and went out into the foyer to join the club for supper, Waka Nathan ignored us and the President of the Club thanked us for coming and proceeded to joke about how we should have sung a real song and could even have done the karanga. It wasn't so much the embarrassed ignorance that stuck in my mind as the idea that protest wasn't a real song and that karanga was the only legitimate form of Maori women's expression.
This kind of obsession continues to plague our own men and Pakeha people. The notion that female oratory should be restricted to rituals of encounter stems from a belief in a divine ordinance that the marae atea belongs only to men. This notion pervades practices and procedures which are entrenched in non-marae situations. It is not just the debate about speaking rights on the marae which is the issue, but more the fuel which this powerful metaphor of restricted rights adds to Maori male hegemony - how it doubly oppresses and entrenches, how it silences and vaporises, how it extinguishes the collective voice of women.
There are two areas of Maori development which I wish to turn to now: Maori broadcasting and Maori economic development.
Maori broadcasting grew out of the struggle for the retention of the language. Some of the key advocates included Cathy Dewes and members of Te Reo Maori in Wellington and Nga Tamatoa in Auekland and Wellington. Broadcasting was seen as a means to achieving greater exposure of the language; education was the other means of achieving the language objective.
In the early days of petitions and protests outside Avalon Studios in Lower Hurt and Parliament Buildings, there were at times no kaumatua or kuia to support us. Our demands were so mediocre: "five minutes of Maori on television", but you would have thought we were asking for the moon. There was pushing and prodding, and finally a small number of men entered the holy grail and began making a few items and the odd whole programme about Maori issues. After another push for more programming, Television New Zealand established a Maori News Programme, "Te Karere", in 1983 followed by a Maori Programme Department in 1986. Meanwhile Radio New Zealand had expanded Maori radio reporting and sponsored the establishment of Aotearoa Radio.
Since 1988 there has been an unprecedented growth in the number of tribal and urban Maori radio stations; all severely limited by demographics, and the rule of the majority that the minority should have resources which reflect audience size and language programming. Coupled with the squeeze on resources is the lack of experienced Maori language broadcasters. Either way it is not an easy order to fill. When compared with the commercial expansion of mainstream broadcasting, Maori broadcasting is a drop in the ocean.
Mainstream broadcasting still tends to skirt around the edges of Maori issues and exposure. At one end of the scale the bland journalistic coverage of Maori issues continues to harden, and to legitimate the attitudes of Eurocentric white New Zealanders; at the other end, the all pervasive Angle-American culture that dominates our electronic literature serves to reinforce the notion that Maori is not a populist culture.
Mainstream Media Coverage
In my view there have been four phases of media coverage of Maori issues over the last twenty years. To a large extent these phases have reflected the state of Maori politics.
Through most of the sixties and the early seventies, Maori were a form of exotica, scarcely reported on at all. There was very little coverage and what coverage there was tended to be small, liberal, unsympathetic and absurdly condescending.
During the seventies, Maori affairs became a significant political issue and were much more reported. This period coincided with significant social, demographic and political changes in New Zealand and in Maori politics where a whole new generation of people, that the media called activists, came in and demanded to be heard. Maori activism in the 1970s put Maori affairs on the agenda. The political demands of Maori activism were in one sense treated seriously by the media but, in another, were totally manipulated by the then Prime Minister Muldoon's game of divide and conquer with the Knights and Dames of the Brown Table, playing their authority (largely Crown given) off against our perceived lack of authority.
By the end of the seventies there was a virtual bi-partisan consensus about Maori affairs on what one might describe as the battle of the slogans - Maori land, honour the Treaty, language in schools. The ideologieal battles had been waged and to some extent won. The massive military eviction of Bastion Point in 1978, which at the time felt like a miserable defeat, in fact became an asset for an as yet unsettled victory. Bastion Point will always stand as a monument to the defeat of the oppressive dictatorship of those Muldoon years.
The third phase in Maori affairs coverage began post-Springbok Tour 1981, when the demand for translating fulsome feelings into action subsequently translated into an important shift in ultraconservative Maori consciousness and, as a result, Maori media and mainstream media coverage shifted too.
The fourth and current phase of mainstream media coverage of Maori affairs has seen an increasing proportion of fundamentally unsympathetic material which is only offset by the Oasis of Maori media coverage Mana News.
In major national politics, with the exception of the big Treaty-based resource claims centred around three or four Maori leaders and their people, Maori affairs has become irrelevant again. There is a number of reasons for this irrelevance, and I want to canvass some of them. One of the effects of the creation of the Ministry of Maori Development and Maori units within government departments has been to take a lot of issues out of public debate, and to reduce the political heat on Ministers. I'm not debating whether Te Puni Kokiri and Treaty or Maori Units are a good thing or not, but the absence of this debate is cruelly affecting questions of funding, settlement and strategy.
I don't think, incidentally, that it's a bad thing that the tone of some of the reporting is critical and sometimes even cynical.
To question the Minister for Maori Affairs and his policies is not to attack Maori. To look critically at the structures of Maori organisations - such as Maori Trust Boards and other Trusts and Incorporations, or at the performance of some Maori leaders, is not necessarily to be hostile to Maori interests. Sunlight can in fact be a very good disinfectant. This comment is particularly true of Ministers, bureaucracies and political organisations. However earnestly they believe they are doing their best, they are not themselves the clients.
In the mainstream media, there is very little discussion about Maori economic development. It is quite clear that a number of imagined solutions to Maori affairs are operating without any regard to the law of economics. We are sustaining communities in the far north, in Hokianga and other areas which are utterly dependent on technology, directly or indirectly (EFTPOS machines for benefit payments), where there is no real work, very little production, no economic base and little provision to plan for one. Now to be sure, the economies of doing so have to take into account the wider social costs of failing to do so, and are not to be taken as saying that Maori should follow the labour market; rather, simply, that this ought to be a subject which ought to be allowed to be discussed.
I have two fears here. First that what is occurring is accentuating dependency on government subsistence and subjugation to the government's will and, second, that one day the tap might turn off, leaving Maori in fact far worse off than they were.
Governments and bureaucracies remain addicted to the idea that the only legitimate Maori social groupings are the whanau, hapu and iwi. The administration of such groupings at local levels leads to an enormous overload of bureaucracy that ends up turning people off involvement. Some of the most bizarre executive decision making processes are used, when elsewhere they are entirely discredited.
The greatest neglect by mainstream broadcasting over the years has been the lack of coverage given to the role Maori women have played at both the practical and political levels in almost all programmes that have been successful. There are good reasons why Maori women play such an important role, but they are not often remarked on. There are also reasons why the media expects and assumes that men speak for Maori communities but they are not so good. The focus on men is due to the laziness of the media in relation to actually looking at the leadership structures of Maori communities.
A few of the people who have become prominent in Maori affairs have backgrounds that journalists simply will not talk about, of personal violence and violation particularly directed at Maori women. They have not had their credentials as representatives of Maori opinion scrutinised, but they retain status because the media gives them status and therefore gives them brokerage power in Maori affairs. There has been a silence about these issues essentially because many journalists have been unwilling to criticise personally - they have done neither Maori women nor journalism a service by doing this. It is a complex issue to deal with, but it should be dealt with - the whole community knows these cases, there is just a patent lack of volunteers to take up the story. A reluctance to write critical material in such fields may come from a well-meaning but mistaken idea that criticism doesn't help or might even make the problem worse. It may also come from fear of allegations of Maori bashing and further attacks from colleagues or politicians.
All too often we have a massive attitude problem, particularly if it's accompanied by demands that unpleasant truths be suppressed in order to shift the focus from change to maintenance of the status quo - a status quo that is quite disastrous for Maori women.
Maori Economic Development
In 1986 1 was part of the team which established the MANA Enterprise scheme. The scheme was introduced through a tribal delivery system and sought the establishment of small businesses in an effort to create employment opportunities for Maori.
When establishing the scheme we intended that the scheme should benefit Maori women and men, however when the funds were distributed at tribal or regional level the recipients followed the old boys' club pattern of distribution in the organisation.
In 1987, the then President of the Maori Women's Welfare League, Georgina Kirby, took up the issue of women's participation in the programme. The Past Presidents and current President of the League formed a Women's Development fund and began receiving and distributing funds to Maori women to establish or expand a business. Of the total $70 million provided to the MANA programme from 1987 to 1992, MWDF has received $1.3 million. 100% of the women's businesses funded in 1987 and 1988 continue to survive, and some are also expanding.
In 1986 the Federation of Maori Authorities was formed comprising the majority of Maori Trusts and Incorporations set up under the Maori Affairs Act. The Trusts and Incorporations have traditionally been land based and a recent estimate of their asset value was $666 million with term liabilities of $56 million. The Federation is unable to supply gender specific statistics about shareholding or management of the Trusts and Incorporation "save for the odd woman here and there".
The Maori Development Corporation, established in 1987, to promote Maori investment is owned 50/50 by government and Maori authorities; it acts both as an equity partner and as a broker of deals with Trusts, Incorporations, Consortiums and other businesses. There is one woman Director on the Corporation, and one woman Trustee on the Poutama Trust, which is wholly owned by the Corporation. There are no women Managers in the Corporation.
The Crown Forestry Rental Trust was established in 1989 as a result of the Crown forestry assets sales programme. The Trust was set up to hold land rentals until claims on land had been heard. Once the claims had been heard, funds would be disbursed to successful claimants.
To date the Trust has invested approximately $40 million annually since 1989. Interest from the investment of funds is applied to the administration of the Trust, and research by claimants. With the exception of research funds disbursed to claimants, and the administration finds used for the Trust, the vast majority of the approximately $120 million of funds invested by the Trust remain locked up.
There is no gender-specific data available about Maori women stakeholders in Crown forests. There are no Maori women Trustees on the Rental Trust and, on the small administrative staff of the Trust, Maori women hold secretarial positions.
Settlement of Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries claims has delivered Maori a major stake in the fishing industry. Through the 1989 Pre Settlement deal, and the 1992 Post-Settlement deal, Maori will control 10% of the country's fishing quota, have a 50% share in the country's largest commercial fishing company and are guaranteed 20% of all new species quota.
Of the thirteen Commissioners on the Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Commission, which was established to oversee the process of distribution of the benefits from the Settlement deals, two are women. During the violated process for the appointment of iwi mandated nominees to the Commission, there was an active collusion of Maori and non-Maori self interest which ensured that Maori women were blocked from appointment to the Commission.
Who Gets the Benefits
The assets and interests held by these organisations total in excess of $1 billion dollars. The power and decision making process of these organisations is in the hands of a small oligarchic menagerie of Maori men, politicians, bureaucrats and lawyers. Maori women are "on the outside looking in", and yet of all the Trusts and Incorporations I have ever dealt with the majority of shareholders are women.
In the waves that were created to break open the Treaty debate in the 1970s and 1980s, it was women who featured largely. Maori women university graduates have accounted for the majority of the marked increase in Maori university graduates. There is no system of guarantee of a place for Maori women within our own institutions, or within the new organisations which have evolved to manage our assets. Any talk of structural change sends some of our Maori men into a tail spin about "cultural correctness" and "making waves". There is high powered selective amnesia about just what it takes to make change.
Waitangi Tribunal Claim
Recently I participated in the presentation of a claim to the Waitangi Tribunal seeking a declaration about the exercise and recognition of the rangatiratanga of Maori women. The claimants include the Maori Women's Welfare League, all the past Presidents of the League, Lady Rose Henare, Mabel Waititi and Mrs Cooper from Ngati Hine and myself, Donna Awatere and Paparangi Reid.
The claim is the first of its kind to be placed before the Tribunal. We reminded the Tribunal at the presentation that there was a perception amongst our women that the claims and settlement process, and the Treaty debate, had been captured by resource issues. I am not saying that resource issues are not important, but the Tribunal needs to be mindful not to let the sexy issues eclipse issues of status. For me the claim is more than just about rangatiratanga, it goes to the heart of the matter of governance. It goes where no claim has gone before.
The outcomes and the remedies sought will no doubt be debated throughout and beyond the claim.
The circumstances giving rise to the claim are the cumulative effects of colonisation in one sense and, in another sense, a direct result of the Crown as the so-called Treaty partner establishing and controlling processes that ensure that Maori women do not share in the benefits of Maori development.
Beyond the Negation of Power
In the search for resolution of our dreams and visions as Maori women there is a need to address political, economic and social aspirations. Personally, I believe that the ultimate solution to the state of powerlessness amongst Maori women lies in political empowerment. The Chairman of the Waitangi Tribunal remarked recently: "there are few branches of the law so mixed with power politics as that governing the standing of indigenous people." I would add to this that "there are so few branches of our own law as indigenous people so mixed with power politics as that regarding the standing of women."
For many years I have debated the issue of women speaking on the marae - amongst Maori women, with men, with the odd inquiring Pakeha and, more fruitfully, with many indigenous women. I have often wondered at times whether the exclusion from speaking on the marae has become a deeply internalised acceptance of powerlessness. If oppression is the negation of liberation, I wonder if Maori women are unwittingly entrapped in the negation of the negation - acquiescence in our own oppression? If we remember that speaking on the marae is a metaphor for our status and power relations in wider society, then if we ignore the need to speak out and to challenge, then we continue to acquiesce.
In the clamour to obtain resources, and to reinstate Mana Whenua, we must be careful that we don't one day look around to find an empty bag in our closet called Mana Wairua - our sacred essence as a people vanished, empty and in Te Puea's words "E tu moke mai ra."
This paper was delivered on 10 August 1993 in the Auckland University Winter Lecture Series.
1. Mira Szaszy, Oral Submission to the Waitangi Tribunal in Support of the Claim by Muriwhenua. Office of the Waitangi Tribunal, 1987.
2. Papers written for Te Puni Kokiri, Ministry of Maori Development (1993) were withdrawn by the Ministry, and Walker's paper has since been republished as: R. Walker, "Tradition and Change in Maori Leadership," Monograph no. 18. Research Unit for Maori Education, University of Auckland, 1993.
3. A. Mahuika, "The Female Leaders of Ngati Porou," MA Thesis, Massey University, Palmerston North, 1979.
4. R. Walker, Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou: Struggle Without End, (Auckland: Penguin, 1990).
5. Tania Rei, Maori Women and the Vote, (Wellington: HUIA Publishers, 1993).
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