Before and after crime: life-course analyses of young offenders arrested in nineteenth-century Northern Sweden.
|Abstract:||This essay combines prison records with parish registers to employ life-course perspectives on past offenders and expand the view of them. The results show highly unusual criminal and demographic data that indicate the life experiences of 320 offenders in Sweden before and after they had committed their crime in 1840-1880. Paupers did not dominate among them, and due to their evident local background most offenders had access to parental ties. In providing informal control such socio-geographical features are believed to limit people's criminal involvement, but this was not so for these individuals. As the parish registers under study are digitized by the Demographic Data Base, Umea University, they allow event-history analyses. Examining four demographic events (relocation, marriage, career and death) helps to statistically distinguish and differentiate the stigma that afflicts offenders upon release according to some labeling theories. The trajectories of most male offenders suggest that they established social bonds to the surrounding people and society, probably because they were not markedly stigmatized but were faced with tolerant attitudes. It seems as if similar attitudes did not include the thieves and the few female criminals, however, as narrow marital and survival chances characterized their life after crime.|
Criminal behavior (History)
Criminals (Beliefs, opinions and attitudes)
Juvenile offenders (History)
|Publication:||Name: Journal of Social History Publisher: Journal of Social History Audience: Academic Format: Magazine/Journal Subject: History; Sociology and social work Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2011 Journal of Social History ISSN: 0022-4529|
|Issue:||Date: Spring, 2011 Source Volume: 44 Source Issue: 3|
|Topic:||Event Code: 290 Public affairs Canadian Subject Form: Criminal behaviour; Criminal behaviour|
|Product:||Product Code: E199640 Criminals|
|Geographic:||Geographic Scope: Sweden Geographic Code: 4EUSW Sweden|
Crime is of interest to scholars in a variety of disciplines because much can be learned about society and the individuals who are part of it through analysis of criminality. However, due to incomplete sources, historical research has yielded few investigations that explore offenders' experience of life and crime, in particular upon release. (1) There is more knowledge about the lives and crimes of recidivists or those charged for felony as there are more data available on them, but these criminals often led unfortunate lives and do not represent the majority of offenders. This has narrowed historians' view of them. Most criminals involved in minor misconduct and similar offences are either sparsely documented or fail to attract scholars looking for dramatic court cases to uncover societal norms and control mechanisms. As court books and criminal records fail to indicate how lawbreakers in general experienced their life and crime or how other people viewed them, this article addresses two types of sources. It is unique in that it provides highly unusual access to longitudinal and individual data, making it possible to re-construct and analyze offenders' life courses before and after crime.
Combining prison records with Sweden's detailed parish registers brings individual lawbreakers to the fore. One of these was Selma Wallmark, daughter of an unskilled laborer, herself a maidservant (piga) born in 1862 and raised in a parish near the town of Sundsvall. (2) As both her parents were dead, young Selma and her older brother likely had to use all their skills and knowledge to earn a living. One day in May 1879, Selma visited a shoe store in Sundsvall pretending she was the servant of a teacher in the town. She apparently played her role well, as she got a pair of shoes on the teacher's credit, claiming they were for his wife. Selma was eventually caught and sent to jail. The next summer her brother, Jonas Alfred, was captured at the age of 21 for vagrancy. (3)
The parentless Wallmark siblings demonstrate the fragility of the family background they originated from. Criminologists emphasize the link between criminal behavior and individual background, and have increasingly applied life-course perspectives in their analyses. To assess the dynamic and longitudinal dimensions of their studies, they call them developmental. (4) These new perspectives have served as inspiration for this life-course approach, as has an older elaborative article of Harvey J. Graff. (5) Encouraged by the advancement of digitized population data, he discussed the need to form a 'collective portrait' of offenders based on their socio-demographic characteristics and backgrounds. Knowing these details helps to reveal reasons for crime, Graff argued, because control mechanisms and structural changes fail to entirely explain why some people appear in the criminal statistics. Governed by his advice, Helen Boritch confronted the stereotyped image of the 'criminal class' by combining prison records with censuses and using statistical analyses. (6) Such approaches are fruitful but little challenged in a systematic way. The retrospective facet of the portrait of past offenders is therefore incomplete.
What happened to offenders upon release remains an even greater issue. According to some labeling themes that are further discussed below, there is reason to believe that they were faced with social exclusion that jeopardized their lives. This happens because being arrested manifests a negative label, implying a stigma that negatively affects people's attitudes toward those labeled. At only 22 years old, Selma Wallmark died of pneumonia in 1884. Jonas Alfred survived his sister, took up employment as a laborer and married in 1885. Their lives thus developed in different directions. Whereas the untimely death of Selma Wallmark possibly epitomizes some of the harmful effects of incarceration that labeling theorists propose, neither this nor a difficult start in life marked a turning point in her brother's pathway. It remains to be seen whether other offenders shared some of their life experiences, and to what extent a certain gender or type of crime determined their difficulties upon release. Knowing this would help to add the prospective facet to the portrait of past offenders.
Incorporating Labeling and Life-course Perspectives into the Collective Portrait of Offenders
Structural factors linked to economic modernization such as industrialization, migration and urbanization are often blamed for having caused high levels of criminality. With these factors and undermined relationships in mind, scholars have long developed theories of urban anomie, social disorganization and gradual lack of informal social control to explain the increase in crime in the nineteenth century. (7) As structural concepts have proven insufficient for understanding crime, scholars have increasingly turned to the individual level of analysis, though in different ways. About fifty years ago the labeling perspectives exemplified one such way, but they comprise a number of themes. (8) Broadly conceived, some consider the 'primary deviance', i.e. how and why some individuals come to be defined as criminals by legislation or how this definitional process changes over time, but these issues are not emphasized below. To approach reasons for young people's imprisonment and contribute to the retrospective facet of the portrait of past offenders, this study explores their lives before they achieved the label of criminal by being arrested.
To uncover the consequences of imprisonment and add to the prospective facet of the portrait of offenders, this study incorporates another theme represented by labeling theorists. According to this theme, incarceration leads to a 'secondary deviance' implying official labeling and subsequent stigma that afflicts how those who have been arrested view themselves and how others treat them. (9) Social exclusion is often the result and is difficult to overcome because it generates negative consequences concerning self-image, social networks and occupational options. This labeling theme is tested below, as incarceration might have invited harsh living conditions, thereby ruining released offenders' chances on the labor and partner markets or causing untimely death. This cost of crime resembles the phenomenon called 'cumulative disadvantage' by life-course scholars such as Robert J. Sampson and John H. Laub. (10) Those affected encounter a bad reputation that will 'knife off' future opportunities and weaken their ties to society and social institutions such as family and work. Such disadvantaged factors help explain the difficulties in readjusting to civil society that historian Patricia O'Brien found characterized young prisoners in nineteenth-century France, without employing labeling theories or life-course analyses. (11) Even so, depicting all offenders as severely stigmatized would stretch the labeling concepts too far. There is reason to distinguish between different levels of exclusion as findings indicate that breaking laws and norms did not ruin the life of all afflicted. In expanding urban environments such as the nineteenth-century town of Sundsvall, longitudinal studies show that unless they repeatedly gave birth to illegitimate offspring, unwed mothers usually married. (12) In combination with the high level of illegitimacy, this suggests that they were accepted among most people. Although poor prospects awaited a majority of the 226 prisoners that historian Marja Taussi Sjoberg studied over time, there were a few more fortunate exceptions, and similar findings appear in some literature on male youth reform institutions. (13) Inevitably, the level of labeling depends on multiple factors, ranging from current ideals that shape legislation and people's attitudes toward each other to the type of transgression individuals performed and their characteristics, such as age, residence, social and marital status, and not least gender. We know women are extremely infrequent in past criminal records, and scholars like Carol Smart and others argue that this was the case because gendered norms made them less inclined to put their honor at stake by committing crime. (14) This article considers some of the above complexity as it explores the four events of migration, marriage, career and mortality to find evidence of whether released individuals were markedly stigmatized by society and people around them. If so, they would be unfortunate on the labor and partner markets. Social exclusion would also be indicated by untimely death or a desire to relocate to start a life where their transgression was unknown.
Although structural factors in offenders' historical time and setting are not neglected below, the longitudinal and individual level of analysis is highlighted and echoes the life-course perspectives used in criminology today. (15) These perspectives emphasize biographical continuity since having experienced a difficult of privileged background influences us later in life and disadvantages or advantages might accumulate over a whole lifetime. In the mid-1980s, Glen H. Elder defined the life course in terms of trajectories or "pathways through the age differentiated life span". (16) From birth to death, pathways uncover a line of development that includes phases such as childhood, adolescence, education, career, adulthood and parenthood, all these affecting human behavior. Getting a job or child, being imprisoned, marrying or moving away, exemplify life events that intersect this line of development. Marked by these events, most people pass through a sequence of transitions. However, their propensity to be involved with them varies with age and depends on human agency and the available chances and strains sited in the structural setting. Altogether, these interlinked circumstances interfere with individuals' pathways and indicate the quality of human life and situation while they move through time and space. (17)
In this study, all individuals experienced the relatively unique incident of incarceration. According to the life-course paradigm, this event is perceived as an outcome of processes imposed by both the structural and individual levels of scale. For historians, the exact impact of underlying processes causing certain life events is difficult to detect at the individual level as this demands longitudinal observation, which is impossible to accomplish without sufficient data. Below, a portion of the young offenders' past lives is explored through the combination of sources that indicate whether some difficulties preceded incarceration and the extent to which they were newcomers of poor origin, lacking access to parental ties. The longitudinal analyses of offenders' lives upon release are then conducted drawing particularly upon the theoretical territory represented by Sampson and Laub, who also continue to observe offenders' life after crime. (18) In accordance with them, within-individual changes over the life course are explored, as are between-individual differences, for instance by comparing the respective pathways of different types of offenders, and men and women. Based on Graff's belief that offenders' characteristics reflect their life experiences prior to incarceration and thus indicate causes of criminal behavior, it is argued that offenders' demographic features and behavior after crime and imprisonment show how they experienced their lives upon release. (19)
Two Sources and One Data Set Allowing Longitudinal Observations
To identify those arrested in 1840-1880, prison registers are utilized. (20) These registers were kept to control offenders and inform authorities of the nationwide situation concerning criminality. They show the name of people who were arrested, and indicate the type of crime offenders committed. They also include their date of birth, parish of birth, and residence. In this study an 'offender' or a 'criminal' is the situational equivalent to being under arrest and acknowledged as a lawbreaker in the prison registers. (21) Beyond this registration, some misconduct escaped the eyes of the law or was corrected without consulting the authorities. (22) Whereas this dark figure is difficult to detect in history, incarceration was an official act sanctioned by legislation and made evident to other people. It marks the 'primary deviance' and connects to the labeling themes discussed above that consider someone a criminal only if he or she is defined as such, and whether this invited the 'secondary deviance' associated with a stigma and social exclusion.
Longitudinal data such as Swedish parish registers comprise the other source. (23) As these give a general picture of people's demographic pathways, it is possible to draw assumptions about the causes and consequences of incarceration from this material if it is combined with the prison registers. The time-consuming task of combining the two sources was facilitated by the Demographic Data Base (DDB) at Umea University, which has digitized the parish registers for the area under study, i.e. the town of Sundsvall and five of its neighboring parishes. (24) As a result, 320 offenders with sufficient data available in the two sources are considered below. (25) All these offenders were unmarried and aged 15-25 years when arrested during the period 1840-1880. (26)
Focusing on marriage, migration, death and career and linking these events to individuals' demographic and criminal characteristics are keys to this analysis, but are complicated to grasp methodologically. Sampson and Laub demonstrate a means to operationalize developmental theories and empirically test them by reconsidering the classical survey of Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck (1950) and applying statistical survival analyses. (27) Similar to them and some historical demographers, event-history analyses are employed; these are discussed below when the offenders' pathways after crime are explored. (28)
Criminal Development of Young Offenders in a Region and Century of Change
During the nineteenth century, criminality became much debated and was increasingly believed to be a business of the young and lone migrants moving into urban-industrial settings. (29) In mid nineteenth-century Sweden it was found that individuals aged 15-21 years committed about one crime in five. (30) During the second part of the nineteenth century the criminal statistics report a rising number of committals, in particular among young offenders. Increasing numbers of reported crimes and offenders were also seen in the Sundsvall region, situated about 400 kilometers north of Stockholm, Sweden. (31) It was characterized by a small hilly landscape, forests and a couple of rivers. In the surrounding area, small villages, farms and cottages were found. (32) About 40 kilometers separated the coastal town from the most remote regional parishes. In the mid-1840s the town of Sundsvall was a semi-agrarian town characterized by fishing, handicraft and shop-keeping. Whereas only about 2,500 inhabitants lived there at the time, this figure had grown to more than 8,000 by the mid 1870s. (33) Free trade and an abundance of natural resources stimulated the industrial breakthrough, as did the growing demand for timber in Europe. No sawmills were established in the town but frequently emerged in the industrial hinterland, which witnessed a dramatic population increase as well, from about 7,000 in the 1840s to 20,000 in the 1870s. Along with the increase of landless people in the countryside, migrants arrived to seek employment and stimulated population growth. (34)
Relying heavily on the sawmill industry, this region became one of Europe's fastest expanding areas and experienced some structural factors often associated with high levels of criminality such as industrialization, migration and urbanization. (35) Figure 1 indicates the effects of this development in terms of reported committals of people aged 15-25 years. Curve A uncovers the total number of incarcerations (714) and shows that rates of imprisonment increased after the industrial breakthrough in the mid-1860s, when revised legislation was also introduced. To deal with the current 'social issue' and discipline lawbreakers, the law of 1864 stressed punishment to prevent crime. (36) This implied expanding official control and rigorous registration of misconduct that do not necessarily reflect higher levels of criminality. Scholars suggest that this enforcement wave was due to more intolerant attitudes toward criminal behavior, although it remained largely constant over time. (37) Figure 1 lends credit to such continuity when the increase of committals is related to the total population aged 15-25 years living in the town and hinterland under study (curve D).
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Curve B of Figure 1 shows the distribution of the first incarceration among the young offenders identified in the parish registers. Recidivism explains why this amount (406) is not equal to the number of offences documented in the prison registers (714, cf. curve A). Another reason for this consists of under- registration in the parish registers and therefore problems with identifying some prisoners. (38) As this longitudinal study requires sufficient data and only explores those who were unmarried when arrested, subsequent analysis considers the 320 offenders included in curve C.
Life Before Crime: Criminal and Demographic Features of the Offenders
Although the collective portrait of offenders is incomplete, literature on the subject suggests that certain features characterize past criminals. These often depict a young unmarried man of poor origin who usually committed his crime in a town, and was most likely a lone migrant lacking access to kin. (39) To extend this stereotyped portrait, this section explores the criminal and demographic features of the 320 young offenders the first time they were arrested, according to the prison registers. The analysis then discerns portions of their demographic past to examine whether they shared experiences other than being arrested. (40) The offenders are separated into subgroups to help distinguish between-individual differences (gender and type of crime committed) and variations over time (pre-industrial times, i.e. 1840-1864, vs. urban-industrial times, i.e. 1865-1880), and to identify changes in relation to the law regulation that operated from 1865 onward. Comparisons between offenders arrested in the urban setting of Sundsvall and those incarcerated in the industrial hinterland are also made.
The prison registers do not detail the crime offenders were charged with but indicate its type of. Table 1 shows this as regards the first occasion of incarceration according to the three major crime categories of violence, theft and disorderly conduct. (41) During urban-industrial times (1865-80) the young offenders were increasingly imprisoned for disorderly conduct. In the early 1870s, the police organization expanded in the region to better keep order, exemplifying the state's intention to advance means of repression and centralize criminal control. (42) Although stealing was severely punished prior to 1864 as well, the new legislation emphasized this, which seems to have had some deterrent effects among the offenders. Violent offences were least frequent and changed little over time compared to the other crime categories; this consisted mainly of aggressive resistance toward policemen about to deprive them of their freedom. Otherwise, the prison registers do not acknowledge whom the offenders were fighting. Homicide was a rare occurrence.
The prison registers occasionally report whether those arrested were charged with abusing alcohol. Whether this abuse or the access to liquor influenced criminal behavior in the past is debated. (43) About 30 percent of these offenders broke the law in a relative state of drunkenness; no difference appears between the town and its hinterland, but between men and women. The table further shows that women were charged with vagrancy to a larger extent than men were, whereas sexual indecency seldom formed the reason for imprisonment.
Thus, the majority of offenders were men and were arrested for disorderly and minor violent behavior. Only 10 percent were women, and their many property offences made them differ from men. One explanatory factor for their quantitative insignificance is the gendered expectations. (44) The sharper norms and control associated with the female gender limited women's possibilities to enter the public sphere, where most misconduct was detected. Most young men were allowed to walk the streets, have a drink or two, or to engage in scuffles. However, whereas 32 percent of the male offenders were arrested for theft during the period under study, this held true for 56 percent among their female peers. This and the incidence of vagrancy indicate that these women had difficulty finding means of subsistence. For some of them, illegitimate children seem to have added to their economic troubles. When aggressive resistance toward policemen is not the reason, these children explain why a few women appear in the violent crime category. Four were charged with killing their illegitimate offspring.
Geographical Background and Access to Parental Ties
Table 2 contradicts the idea that criminality nourished among migrants in unfamiliar settings. (45) Long-distance migrants only dominated among the few female offenders. Almost 60 percent of all offenders were arrested in their parish of birth or in a neighboring one, as was the case with the Wallmark siblings introduced initially. Regardless of when or where they committed their crime, the majority of offenders were rooted in the Sundsvall region, which covered a tiny area in terms of Swedish geography. This is also explained by their young age (15-25 years), as some were too young to have migrated. Although most offenders lacked any 'disruptive' experience of relocating, they ended up in jail. Given the many young migrants who arrived in this sawmill area to search for work in the 1860s and 1870s this result is surprising, but similar findings have been uncovered elsewhere. (46)
The offenders' pronounced regional backgrounds suggest that they had family ties at close range, and Table 3 confirms this. Scholars assess such ties, especially in times of urban-industrial change, and these are increasingly perceived as supportive for those who are part of them. (47) Students of crime emphasize the informal social control imposed by such networks because it limits individuals' inclination to violate the law representing formal jurisdiction. (48) The parish registers illuminate the offenders' parental ties, here represented by biological fathers and/or mothers living in the region. (49) Table 3 shows the extent to which the parents were alive and formed a potential support or informal social control when their children were imprisoned. This held true for almost 70 percent of the offenders. This result refutes the preventive impact that social bonds are perceived to have on misconduct in providing informal social control.
However, a closer look at the offenders' substantial parental access indicates that this network was often a weak one. According to Table 3, about 25 percent of the offenders had access to only one parent when arrested, usually the mother. Another 10 percent were orphaned, as were the Wallmark siblings. (50) Lacking the potential resource of two parents suggests that young offenders had experienced family circumstances that must be considered unstable, and these possibly explain why they later in life turned into troubles here represented by imprisonment. Such circumstances particularly characterized female offenders, as well as criminals arrested in town and during the pre-industrial period. Women's migratory background and lack of parental ties hint at their vulnerability and incentive to engage in theft. When help was needed, few relatives could come to their rescue.
Socio-economic Status of the Young Offenders and Their Fathers
In the nineteenth century, social observers believed that offenders were recruited from the lower social strata, and students of crime long shared this belief. (51) Analyzing only the occupational status of young criminals is misleading, however, because their youth automatically allocates most of them at the lowest rank of the social classification or even beyond it, since they were not yet established on the labor market. To further discern their origin, the occupational status of their fathers also appears in Figure 2, which for comparative reasons considers the average socio-economic structure in the area and period under study as well. (52) Over time, the dominance of traditional employment linked to agriculture, fishing, and trading were replaced by jobs in the industrial sector. (53)
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
Figure 2 does not account for the 32 female offenders as the sources under-report their work. In this area, young women were devoted to the domestic sector and were usually acknowledged as maidservants (pigor). (54) This was also the case among the female offenders. Three seamstresses and a few women lacking occupational data are also found.
Figure 2 shows that more than 50 percent of the male offenders were labeled as unskilled laborers (group 6a) when incarcerated. Along with workers engaged in the sawmill sector, this category primarily includes apprentices and sailors. They are known for traveling between towns or harbors, and these working conditions fostered a labor culture that celebrated the bottle. (55) Such cultural factors limited the chances of leading a life on the right side of the law. The second most evident category among the male offenders (group 6b) includes farmhands (drangar) and crofters (torpare). Similar to the case of workers engaged in handicraft (group 6a), agricultural skill and service became less desired in times of industrial production. By youth and type of occupation, the men in these two social groups were most exposed to fluctuating labor markets and agricultural transformations that jeopardized their chances to achieve income or land. The sawmill strike in May of 1879 indicates the laborers' dissatisfaction. Encouraged by the sawmill owners the county governor called for military forces to control all the protesting workers and some of them were arrested for having disturbed the peace. (56) These appear in group 6a.
One look at the status of the offenders' fathers suggests that those debating the 'social issue' and rising criminality were incorrect to blame only the bottom of the social strata. Instead, children of skilled laborers (group 5) such as tailors, shoemakers and journeymen were among those incarcerated. Group 5 further reveals a great many fathers labeled boatswains (batsman). They were or had been in the navy but also held a piece of land. Scholars recognize boatswains as often being drunk and thus causing disorder. (57) While in the navy, they left their wives and children. Such occupational and cultural factors likely contributed to a difficult childhood for their offspring and suggest why these children later in life turned to trouble, here manifested by imprisonment.
The above results add information but also complexity to the retrospective facet of the collective portrait of offenders. As expected, most of them were men, but although disadvantages in socio-economic terms are evident among them, they did not lack family ties; nor were they primarily migrants or paupers. These findings are slightly surprising and make it even more difficult to explain their incentives to transgress the law. Crime might be carefully planned or committed in sudden haste, whereas some misconduct appears to be out of desperation due to extensive hardship, or to occur under the influence of alcohol. Incarceration is also the result of various forms of official intervention to control, prevent and punish misconduct, but the proportion of committals reported among young offenders changed little over time in the region under study. Nevertheless, it is obvious that a local origin and parental access did not exercise enough informal control or support to keep these young individuals from imprisonment. Although the majority of them were charged with minor misconduct, after incarceration they all shared the experience of being labeled 'criminal'. The next issue is to examine their life courses to identify whether offenders somehow suffered from this label.
Life After Crime: Demographic Experiences Among the Offenders Upon Release
In accordance with Sampson and Laub, (58) within-individual changes over a lifetime are considered to explore whether incarceration had any impact on their life courses with regard to migration, mortality, marriage and career. To determine this, all offenders are carefully explored employing event-history analyses such as Cox regression models. (59) These models assist in evaluating the labeling consequences of incarceration by considering demographic characteristics that can also affect life courses such as age, gender and type of residence (the town of Sundsvall or the industrial hinterland). Such characteristics are termed 'covariates' (or independent or explanatory variables), as are the three modified categories of crime that characterize the offenders (violence, theft and disorder). (60) Other covariates included are their socio-geographical backgrounds and access to parents, as these can also shape individuals' opportunities in life in terms of socio-cultural capital, and parental ties might act as support or informal control. In subsequent models, all these characteristics are usually defined for all criminals at the moment they were incarcerated. Whether this occurred before the industrial breakthrough or after, when the revised law was introduced in 1865, is considered as these affect societal structures and norms that can influence offenders' pathways. Controlling for the above covariates makes it possible to uncover the consequences of being labeled a criminal and whether these differed significantly depending on gender and type of misconduct, for instance. (61)
The date of the criminals' first incarceration forms the entrance to the longitudinal observation. It continues for as long as they resided in the parish, but not for more than 15 years. (62) Meanwhile the four events of marriage, migration, mortality and career are explored. Through event-history analyses, these transitions are examined by incorporating the length of time between entry (incarceration) and exit from a specific state, i.e. from unmarried to married, from residing to relocating, etc. The results are shown as risk ratios that indicate the probability of experiencing the event under study and relate this to the offenders' different characteristics. Using these tools it is possible to discuss whether incarceration or certain offences manifested a turning point in the pathways of offenders' lives because they were stigmatized. If an early departure or untimely death would characterize them upon release, these findings confirm the process of marginalization that label theorists assess, as would limited marital and career chances. However, as argued in the introduction, and given the diversity of demographic backgrounds and crimes found among the offenders above, there is reason to distinguish between different levels of labeling. According to historian Anna Lundberg, the pathways of discharged patients cured of venereal disease in nineteenth-century Sundsvall were left almost untouched by their diagnosis because this turbulent town imposed weak social control among its inhabitants. (63) Life-course studies of past populations that ran the risk of confronting stigmatisation might show a less dismal history than anticipated.
Table 4 shows briefly what happened to the released criminals during the period under observation. Since most of them were charged with minor misconduct, only few were punished for more than one month, and thus they seldom left to serve extended penalties. According to the prison registers, the lawbreakers were usually told to pay fines that they could not afford and so they were imprisoned for some time. (64) About 25 percent were arrested twice or more. This proportion was higher in the town of Sundsvall and among men and those arrested in urban-industrial times. Although this percentage was probably also the result of expanding policing, it suggests that some offenders went into a downward spiral that was difficult to escape. Scholars refer to this phenomenon in terms of 'subculture' or 'criminal class'. (65) Investigating the offenders' lives upon release would indicate whether this was a widespread phenomenon among them.
Departure and Death
Taking to the road could be a strategy for offenders to avoid a bad reputation and the place where their crime was known. According to Table 4, about 40 percent remained in their parish of incarceration whereas 50 percent relocated. Past misconduct possibly stimulated the frequent departures of the few women, and they often experienced an untimely death. Thus, it seems that offending females were confronted with difficulties based on a stigma that they either wanted to escape by migrating, or died from, as a result of hardship. As so few of them (32) appear among the criminals, subsequent analyses primarily concern male offenders. The impact of incarceration and other characteristics of significance for the events under observation are emphasized as the statistical results are discussed below.
To determine whether the offenders' migratory behavior differed depending on the type of crime committed, for instance, the time between incarceration and departure is explored. Model 1 of Table 5 suggests that misconduct was insignificant for the offenders' incentives to relocate, as was gender. Instead, young age and geographical background determined this event. Arrested migrants were about 60-70 percent more likely to move than were their native peers. Such factors downplayed the impact of imprisonment, as did socio-economic status. Regardless of the crime committed, skilled laborers, and mostly journeymen, were 70 percent more likely to leave than were agricultural workers. As the departure of the offenders was due to phenomena other than criminal characteristics, there is little proof that reproachful attitudes afflicted the offenders. If their parents had turned them away on these grounds they would likely have left in haste, but this was insignificant as well. (66)
Investigating the survival chances sheds further light on the experiences of those once charged. Besides age, incarceration was in fact the key to shaping their survival odds. Model 2 of Table 5 indicates that thieves paid a 'postponed' price for their label, as they were three times as likely to meet an untimely death as were disorderly offenders. Conversely to mortality studies of nineteenth-century Sweden, (67) the men could expect to live longer than their female peers, according to Table 5. This is not statistically significant but nevertheless indicates that the knifing-off effect operated particularly among female offenders, also representing the gender most engaged in theft. (68) Hypothetically, this was due to rough working and housing conditions based on the process of social stigma that developed after imprisonment, because women and thieves, like Selma Wallmark, were not viewed very amiably or treated well by others. Of course, incarceration must not necessarily represent the turning point that initiated the process of cumulative disadvantage, but achieving the criminal label probably spurred this process. Misconduct further downplayed another factor usually determining mortality patterns. Urban areas were unhealthy places, and people living in towns exposed themselves to what is sometimes called the 'urban penalty'. (69) Whereas this penalty was of low significance, in particular theft afflicted the offenders' life expectancy to a greater and more evident degree. The law revision of 1865 did not affect their low survival chances, probably because theft was already regarded seriously. (70) It seems as if people in general shared the legislation's stringent view of property crimes and banned these types of lawbreakers by stigmatizing them.
Marital Chances and Occupational Changes
Even though John Hajnal and others argue that a high ratio of celibacy and late age at marriage characterized the 'European Marriage Pattern', marriage was the aim of most young individuals in nineteenth-century society. (71) It was encouraged by parents and institutions such as the church and the government, as was finding subsistence through employment. These predicted trajectories are perceived as indicating released offenders' adjustment to 'normal' life. Given a criminal past including custody, there is reason to believe that late marriages and low chances to find a spouse characterized offenders or that they were unfortunate on the labor market.
According to the mean and median age at marriage presented in Table 6, offenders marrying in the Sundsvall region did not have to wait for a mate any longer than anyone else at the time. This suggests that they were not disfavored on the partner market, although the women are too few to draw conclusions from. Men in Sundsvall married at an average age of 28.5 years and females at 27 years, and those in the industrializing hinterland slightly earlier in life. (72)
As not all found a spouse and the type of crime and duration of residence can influence this event, Model 1 of Table 7 considers the time between incarceration and wedding. No distinct difference between the crime categories appears, although there are indications that thieves were disfavored in the partner pool. Other characteristics were more significant, such as age and occupation when arrested. Offenders having traveled a lengthy distance to reach the region were about 90 percent more likely to marry than were native offenders, possibly because local people bothered less about newcomers' criminal label. Type of residence was also of greater significance for marrying than was misconduct. Offenders in the town of Sundsvall were about 60 percent less likely to join a spouse in church than were those in the surrounding parishes. (73) Even though theft slightly jeopardized the offenders' marital chances, the findings reject the notion that crime markedly reduced their prospects as these were determined by other characteristics.
The next issue is to determine whether the offenders, due to cumulating disadvantages stimulated by their label, faced limited occupational options on the labor market. Model 2 of Table 7 displays the likelihood of moving one or more steps upward on the occupational ladder. (74) As this analysis demands occupational data on both occasions of measurement, the number of cases is restricted to those where such information are available (228). These suggest that theft impeded the career to a significant degree. Thieves were 55 percent less likely to move upward than were disorderly offenders. The career chances were further stimulated by industrialization and the structural 'openness' of labor markets often associated with it. In research, this openness is increasingly recognized as a modernization myth, (75) but for the offenders under study it was true. Past incarceration was likely of less importance to employers when the sawmill industry cried out for laborers from the 1860s onward. Because of its economic side effects, the regional labor market expanded and became more differentiated thanks to trade and commerce. (76) It seems as if the offenders benefited from this development, as those arrested in pre-industrial times were about 60 percent less likely to rise in the occupational hierarchy. Criminals having intra-regional backgrounds were twice as likely to do so in comparison to native offenders. Thus, as was the case concerning marital chances, incarceration afflicted those established in one parish since childhood to a higher degree; perhaps because local norms and stigmatization particularly affected them as they were most familiar with the area and people living there.
Agricultural workers experienced significant chances to move upward as they were placed at the bottom of the social strata, but what level of change did these chances imply? Table 8 shows this by comparing all the offenders' occupational changes within the time interval under study. Those lacking occupational data are identified, as they could take up jobs over time. As was the case for Jonas Alfred Wallmark, who continued his employment as an unskilled worker upon release, most criminals remained socially stable and were infrequent among occupational groups allocated to the higher social strata. However, in general the criminal label neither isolated the offenders at the lowest level of the labor market, nor excluded them from it. Achieving this label did not stop employers from hiring them, just as it did not hinder spouses from marrying them.
Thanks to the combination of prison registers and longitudinal parish registers, offenders' lives before and after crime can be explored. As a result, this article illuminates young people labeled as criminals to a greater extent than do most other historical studies. The major findings are discussed below with regard to how these parallel and contribute to the knowledge of offenders in past time.
Unruly, lone and poor people violating the law in unfamiliar settings have long dominated the view of criminals. The first approach of this article confirms previous findings showing that offenders were usually men who were rarely charged with severe crimes. High alcohol consumption resulting in misdemeanors was common among young male populations, particularly in urban-industrialized areas with good job opportunities attracting a great number of unmarried men like the Sundsvall region. However, some less expected results were uncovered by constructing the retrospective facet of the collective portrait of offenders that Harvey J. Graff proposed in the 1970s. According to their demographic characteristics and backgrounds, the offenders were not necessarily newcomers or paupers, and had surprisingly high access to family ties. Although their pronounced parental access and ample local origin are difficult to define in qualitative terms, the social control and/or support these characteristics are presumed to provide people failed to save these individuals from incarceration. This finding contradicts the notion in literature that family bonds prevent individuals' criminal behavior, both in past and present times.
To identify the individual price of crime and incorporate the prospective facet into their collective portrait, the offenders' life courses upon release were analyzed. This was the second approach of this article, because in historical research this issue is overlooked due to the limited availability of longitudinal data. Elaborating upon some labeling themes, low survival odds and limited chances on the partner and labor markets were assumed to indicate high levels of social exclusion. Released offenders did not immediately relocate to possibly escape shame and their pronounced regional background probably contributed to this fact. Nor did their criminal label spoil their marital chances or cause an untimely death as a result of a stigmatization process. Although their careers were not successful, they were not forced to the bottom of the social strata. These results appear despite the fact that about one offender in four was recidivist. Social exclusion, possibly stimulated by being labeled an offender, is nevertheless reflected among the more unfortunate thieves and the few women who often met an untimely death. Although they do not dominate the portrait, they too belong to it. Gendered expectations and the legislation's stringent view of property crimes might have stimulated people's negative attitudes toward these particular offenders. A few indications suggest that similar attitudes afflicted native offenders, who were most familiar with the area and people living there, as they confronted slightly fewer career and marital chances in comparison to migrants.
Except for women and thieves, the findings propose that most offenders in the Sundsvall region confronted social exclusion to a limited extent. A combination of explanatory factors helps to moderate the labeling consequences of crime and incarceration. First, most offenders were men and were charged with minor misconduct. Some drunkenness, disorderly behavior and scuffles were part of the male youth culture. Unlike the social observers, local people were used to this sight and were therefore little concerned about whether it was illegal and would render time in prison, as long as it did not become habitual. Second, it seems as if offenders' ample access to family ties and local origin favored them in their efforts upon release instead of suppressing them. Third, a prosperous labor market probably helped them cope with their situation. Fourth, and although few migrants appeared among the offenders, newcomers arrived in this expanding region from across Sweden and even from abroad and interfered with local norms, fostering more tolerant attitudes. Criminologists employing life-course perspectives recognize yet another explanatory factor for why offenders get back on their feet again: The incentives for committing crime decrease with increasing age, as solid bonds to social networks are established along the life course and imply responsibilities. (77) Most likely, this life-course effect operated among those men studied here because their criminal label did not cut them off from establishing social bonds to the surrounding people and society upon release. Otherwise, they would have been urged to relocate or significantly disfavored on the partner and labor markets. Most certainly, these life-course factors made the criminals consider whether to transgress again or adopt a more conventional lifestyle. There is evidence that they, Jonas Alfred Wallmark included, tried and were able to do the latter, whereas offending women and thieves suffered from their label. The short life of Wallmark's sister, Selma, once charged with stealing what did not belong to her, exemplifies the high level of social exclusion linked particularly to an offender's gender and type of crime. Their difficulties coping with life upon release were probably due to intolerant attitudes toward them among local people and in society at large. The high price women paid for incarceration hints at why so few women at all bothered with crime, and supports studies recognizing female offenders as subjects of double deviance since they have failed to obey both the law and the expectations linked to their gender. The minority of women reported in criminal statistics even today suggests that little has changed concerning the issue of how gender determines human misconduct.
Although it is impossible to map every young person labeled an offender in the region under study or in demographic terms, this analysis is distinctive in providing longitudinal and individual data on the life courses of 320 offenders. The collective portrait of them and their pathways must not pass unnoticed because it expands the view of offenders' backgrounds and differentiates the consequences they confronted upon release. Crime and imprisonment cannot be associated with social stigmatization or future failures among those faced with it, unless they were women or thieves. Even if some of the findings acknowledged here were expected, this may well be the first time they are substantiated by solid statistical evidence. As a result, this article demonstrates how measurements employed primarily by social scientists and historical demographers can contribute knowledge to fields of social history that are less concerned with quantitative materials and methods. Hopefully, the methodological means of achieving these findings concerning offenders will stimulate studies that seek to combine data and conduct life-course analyses of past individuals. Such dynamic approaches are needed, not only in cases of the history of criminals.
Centre for Population Studies
SE-901 87 Umea, Sweden
Some initial results of this article were presented at a session at the 2004 Social Science History Association in Chicago, a panel discussion led by Professor Patrice Bourdelais. I am most grateful for his comments. I would also like to thank my colleagues at the Centre for Population Studies and the Department of Historical Studies, Umea University, Sweden, for providing me with constructive criticism, and the staff at the Demographic Data Base for being so helpful in preparing data files. I also wish to express my gratitude to the Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation (Riksbankens Jubileumsfond) and Professor Ulf Drugge, Kalmar University, Sweden, for a research position in the interdisciplinary project 'Crisis-Biographies: Life-Course and Time-Geographical Aspects of the Causes, Cutes and Consequences of Individual Crises.' His sociological perspectives have contributed to this article, as has funding from Stiftelsen Clas Groschiusky's Minnesfond and Helge Ax:son Johnsons Stiftelse.
(1.) For a few exceptions see Patricia O'Brien, The Promise of Punishment: Prisons in Nineteenth-Century France (Princeton, 1982); Marja Taussi Sjoberg, Dufvans fangar: Brottet, straffet och manniskan i 1800-talets Sverige (Stockholm, 1986).
(2.) Prison registers, May 24. 1879 (Sundsvalls stadshakte). The demographic information is based on the digitized parish registers stored in the Demographic Data Base (DDB), Umea University, Sweden. In this database, every individual is given a unique identity number, in this case DDB-ID (Selma Wall-mark) 862002185. Information on her was also found in the local newspapers in Sundsvall (Sundsvall Tidning. June 19, 1879) when they were investigated for another purpose. Lotta Vikstrom, diss., "Gendered Routes and Courses: The Socio-Spatial Mobility of Migrants in Nineteenth-Century Sundsvall, Sweden" (Umea, University, 2003), 248.
(3.) Prison registers, August 6, 1880 (Vasternorrlands lans kronohakte); DDB-ID (Jonas Alfred Wall-mark) 859001577.
(4.) For an overview of the developmental life course ('DLC') concepts increasingly applied in criminology, see the introductions and contributions available in David P. Farrington, ed., Integrated Developmental awl Life-Course theories of Offending: Advances in Criminological Theory, Volume 14 (New Brunswick, 2005); Terence P. Thornberry, ed., Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency: Advances in Criminological Theory, Volume 7 (New Brunswick, 1997). Developmental perspectives and statistical means of incorporating them in observing the life courses of criminals are further discussed in Lotta Vickstrom, "Illuminating the Labeling Impact of Incarceration: Life-Course Perspectives of Young Offender's Pathways in Comparison to Non-Offenders in Nineteenth-Century Northern Sweden," Crime & History: Societies 12 (2008), 81-117.
(5.) Harvey J. Graff, "Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth Century: A New Look at the Criminal," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 7 (1977), 477-91; Eric H. Monkkonen, "The Quantitative Historical Study of Crime and Criminal Justice," in James A. Inciardi and Charles E. Faupel, eds., History and Crime: Implications for Criminal Justice Policy (Beverly Hills, 1980), 53-73.
(6.) Helen Boritch, "The Criminal Class Revisited: Recidivism and Punishment in Ontario, 1871-1920," Social Science History 29 (2005), 137-70.
(7.) For an overview and some critique of such approaches, see Gray Cavender, "Alternative Approaches: Labeling and Critical Perspectives," in Joseph F Sheley, ed., Criminology: A Contemporary Handbook (Belmont, 1995), 349-353; Clive Emsley, Crime and Society in England, 1750-1900: Themes in British Social History (London, 1987), 18-47; Graff, "Crime and Punishment," 477-91; David F. Greenberg, "Age, Crime, and Social Explanation," American Journal of Sociology 91 (1985), 1-21; Marvin Krohn, "Control and Deterrence: Theories of Criminality," in Joseph F. Sheley, ed., Criminology: A Contemporary Handbook (Belmont, 1995), 330-47; Lynn McDonald, "Theory and Evidence of Rising Crime in the Nineteenth Century," The British Journal of Sociology 33 (1982), 404-20.
(8.) Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology, of Deviance (London, 1963); Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Englewood Cliffs, 1963); Edwin M. Lemert, Social Pathology: A Systematic Approach to the Theory of Sociopathic Behavior (New York, 1951); Sven-Ake Lindgren, Om brott och straff: Fran sociologins klassiker till modern kriminologi (Lund, 1998), 73-85; Katherine S. Williams, "Labelling, Phenomenology and Ethnomethodology," in Katherine S. Williams, Textbook on Criminology: Fifth Edition (Oxford, 2004). 369-84.
(9.) Cavender, "Alternative Approaches," 351-57; Lindgren, Om brott och straff, 73-85; Williams, "Labelling, Phenomenology and Ethnomethodology," 369-84; David P. Farrington, "The Effects of Public Labeling," British Journal of Criminology 18 (1977), 277-84; Marc Le Blanc, "A Generic Control Theory of the Criminal Phenomenon: The Structural and Dynamic Statements of an Integrative Multilayered Control Theory," in Terence P. Thornberry, ed., Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency: Advances in Criminological Theory, Volume 7 (New Brunswick, 1997), 263-78; Roll Loeber and Marc Le Blanc, "Toward a Developmental Criminology," in Michael Tonry and Norval Morris, eds., Crime and Justice: A Review of Research, Volume 12 (Chicago, 1990), 37 5-437; Robert J. Sampson and John H. Laub, "A Life-Course Theory of Cumulative Disadvantage and the Stability of Delinquency," in Terence P. Thornberry, ed., Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency: Advances in Criminological Theory, Volume 7 (New Brunswick, 1997), 133-41.
(10.) Sampson and Laub, "A Life-Course Theory," 143-52.
(11.) O'Brien, The Promise, of Punishment, 226-57.
(12.) Reasons for the rising ride of illegitimacy during the nineteenth century and the consequences for the women it concerned have confounded scholars. Some of them conclude that women suffered from their lone motherhood, whereas others tell a less dismal history. For a discussion and some results, see Vikstrom, "Gendered Routes and Courses," 218-45; Anders Brandstrom, "Utomaktenskaplighet och sociala natverk: Sundsvall 1800-1895," in Tom Ericsson and Agneta Guillemot, eds., Individ och straktur i historisk belysning (Umea, 1999), 3-30; Jonas Frykman, "Sexual Intercourse and Social Norms: A Study of Illegitimate Births in Sweden 1831-1935," Etnologiska institutionens smaskriftsserie 20 (1979), 1-41; Peter Laslett, Karla Oosterveen and Richard M. Smith, eds., Bastardy and Its Comparative History: Studies in the History of Illegitimacy and Marital Non-Conformism in Britain, France, Germany, Sweden, Jamaica and Japan (London, 1980); Ann-Sofie Ohlander, "Hotet mot familjen: Den ogifta modern i Sverige i historiskt perspektiv," Historisk Tidskrift 98 (1978), 83-101.
(13.) Taussi Sjoberg, Dufvans fangar, 145-160; Maria Sundkvist, "Bonapojkarna," in Renee Frangeur, ed., Pojkar, pli och pedagogik: Vanart och manligheter pa Bonaanstalten 1905-1948 (Stockholm, 2007), 81-125.
(14.) Gender and criminality have aroused increasing interest among scholars in the past few decades; see John M. Beattie, "The Criminality or Women in Eighteenth-Century England," Journal of Social History 8 (1975), 80-116; Helen Boritch, "Gender and Criminal Court Outcomes: An Historical Analysis," Criminology 30 (1992), 293-325; Meda Chesney-Lind, "Women and Crime: The Female Offender," Signs 12 (1986), 78-96; Stephen P. Frank, "Narrative within Numbers: Women, Crime and Judicial Statistics in Imperial Russia, 1864-1913," The Russian Review 5 (1996), 541-66; Carol Smart', "Criminological Theory: Its Ideology and Implications Concerning Women," British Journal of Sociology 28 (1977), 89-100; Taussi Sjoberg, Brott och straff i Vasternorrland 1861-1890 (Umea, 1981), 96-106; Lucia Zedner, Women, Crime and Custody in Victorian England (Oxford, 1991). Literature on the subject and gendered reasons for which men and women were arrested are further discussed in Lotta Vikstrom, "Kvinnors liv efter brott: En hopplos historia?," Roger Jacobsson, ed., Thule: Kungliga Skytteanska Samfundets Arsbok 2008 (Umea, 2008), 77-100.
(15.) See footnotes 4 and 9.
(16.) Glenn H. Elder Jr., "Perspectives on the Life Course," in Glenn H. Elder Jr., ed., Life Course Dynamics (Ithaka, 1985), 17.
(17.) Elder, "Perspectives on the Life Course," 23-49; Janet Z. Giele and Glenn H. Elder Jr., "Life Course Research: Development of a Field," in Janet Z. Giele and Glenn H. Elder Jr., eds., Methods of Life Course Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches (London, 1998), 5-27; Jeylan T Mortimer and Michael J. Shanahan, eds., Handbook of the Life Course (New York, 2003).
(18.) Robert J. Sampson and John H. Laub, Crime in the Making: Pathways and Turniny Points through Life (Cambridge, 1997) ; Sampson and Laub, "A Life-Course Theory," 133-61.
(19.) Graff, "Crime and Punishment," 477-91.
(20.) Unfortunately, the court hooks of the area under study were destroyed by the fire in the town of Sundsvall in 1888. Taussi Sjoberg, Dufvans fangar, 163.
(21.) In principle this is so, but to be included in the longitudinal analysis the offenders must also be identified in the parish registers; see footnotes 24 and 38.
(22.) John Muncie, Youth and Crime: A Critical Introduction (London, 1999), 13-21; Roddy Nilsson, '"Med hvarje ar oka ju antalet af dessa unga brottslingar ...,'" in Irene Andersson, Kenneth Johansson and Marie Lindstedt Cronberg, eds., Tid och tillit: En vdnbok till Eva Osterberg (Stockholm, 2002), 381; Eva Osterberg. "Kontroll och kriminalitet i Sverige fran medeltid till nutid," Scandia 37 (1991), 69-70.
(23.) Although these registers are unique in delivering continuous data, gaps exist. However, one clear advantage is that they allow longitudinal analyses of almost every member of society. The validity of Swedish parish registers and those of Sundsvall and its region has been tested and verified; see Gun Aim Stenflo, Demographic Description of the Skelleftea and Sundsvall Regions During the 19th Century (Umea, 1994). 17-33, 49-58; Soren Edvmsson, Den osunda staden (Umea, 1992), 27-31; Anders Norberg, "Med betyget pa fickan: Den svenska folkbokforingen under industrialiseringsskedet," Kyrkohistorisk arsskrift 1979 (Uppsala, 1979), 151-78. For a presentation of the parish registers stored in the Demographic Data Base (DDB), Umea University, Sweden, see http://www.ddh.umu.se/nya_indiko/indexeng.html [accessed September 10, 2010].
(24.) This study concerns the urban centre of rhe Sundsvall region and five neighboring parishes that witnessed rapid industrialization: Alno, Njurunda, Skon, Timra and Tuna. The socio-demographic components typical of urban-industrial times were also seen in this tiny area; see Aim Stenflo, Demo- graphic Description.; Edvinsson, Den osunda staden; Lars-Goran Tedebrand, "Gamla och nya Sundsvallsbor efter 1860," in Lars-Goran Tedebrand, ed., Sundsvalls historia: Del 2 (Sundsvall, 1997), 101-36; Vikstrom, "Gendered Routes and Courses."
(25.) Concerning the identification process of the offenders in the two sources, see footnote 38.
(26.) Whether the age interval of 15-25 years is apt can be discussed, but regardless of time and place studies show that most misconduct occurs in the early phase of life; see Darrell Steffensmeier and Emilie Allan, "Criminal Behavior: Gender and Age," in Joseph F. Sheley, ed., Criminology: A Contemporary Handbook (Belmont, 1995), 97-106; Greenberg, "Age, Crime, and Social Explanation," 120-22; Muncie, Youth and Crime, 47-82. In the nineteenth century, the average Swede married at the age of 27-28 years and young people put childhood behind when they applied for confirmation at the age of 14-15 years; see Christer Lundh, "The World of Hajnal Revisited: Marriage Patterns in Sweden 1650-1990," Lund Papers in Economic History 60 (1997), 1-28. The above factors have helped to delineate the young offenders in this study. Since the longitudinal life-course analyses consider the event of marriage, only those unmarried at the occasion of incarceration are included. Among the 406 identified offenders (cf. Figure 1, curve B), 6 percent were married on the occasion of incarceration.
(27.) Sampson and Laub, Crime in the Making, 25-46; Sampson and Laub, "A Life-Course Theory", 133-61; Sheldon Glueck and Eleanor Glueck, Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency (New York, 1950).
(28.) See under the heading "Life after crime".
(29.) Emsley, Crime and Society in England, 18-48, 78-102; Rachel G. Fuchs, "Juvenile Delinquency in Nineteenth-Century France," in Albert G. Hess and Priscilla F Clement, eds., History of Juvenile Delinquency: A Collection of Essay on Crime Committed by Young Offenders, in History and in Selected Countries, Volume 1 (Aalen, 1990), 265-87; Matti Joutsen, "Treatment, Punishment, Control: Juvenile Delinquency in Scandinavia," in Albert G. Hess and Priscilla F. Clement, eds., History of Juvenile Delinquency: A Collection of Essays on Crime Committed by Young Offenders, in History and in Selected Countries, Volume 2 (Aalen. 1995), 599-623; Peter King, "The Rise of Juvenile Delinquency in England 1780-1840: Changing Patterns of Perception and Prosecution," Past and Present 160 (1998), 116-66; Susan M. Magarey, "The Invention of Juvenile Delinquency in Early Nineteenth-Century England," in Albert G. Hess and Priscilla F. Clement, eds., History of Juvenile Delinquency: A Collection of Essays on Crime Committed by Young, Offenders, in History and in Selected Countries, Volume 1 (Aalen, 1990), 325-46; Eric H. Monkkonen, "A Disorderly People? Urban Order in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries," The journal of American History 68 (1981), 539-59.
(30.) This figure includes crimes committed by men. For women aged 15-21 years, the percentage oscillated between 10-15 percent in the 1850s. Nilsson, '"Med hvarje ar ...,"' 371-88. For an overview of crimes in Sweden over time, see Hanns von Hofer, Brott och straff i Sverige: Historisk kriminalstatistik 1750-1984 (Stockholm, 1985); Jan Sundin, For Gud, staten och folket: Brott och rattskipning i Sverige 1600-1840 (Stockholm, 1992); Osterherg, "Kontroll och kriminalitet," 66-87.
(31.) Taussi Sjoberg, Brott och straff i Vasternorrland.
(32.) Alm Stenflo, Demographic Description, 7-10; Filip Hjulstrom, Gunnar Arpi and Esse Lovgren, Sundsvallsdistriktet 1850-1950 (Uppsala, 1955).
(33.) Alm Stenflo, Demographic Description, 41; Tedebrand, "Gamla och nya Sundsvallsbor", 101-36; Lars-Goran Tedebrand, "Manniskor och strukturer infill 1860," in Lars-Goran Tedebrand, ed., Sundsvalls historia: Del 1 (Sundsvall, 1996), 192-210; Vikstrom, "Gendered Routes and Courses."
(35.) Structural factors behind the fluctuating curves of Figure 1 are more thoroughly discussed in Lotta Vikstrom, "Societal Change and Individual Past in Connection with Crime," Continuity and Change 23 (2008), 331-361.
(36.) The revised legislation was the result of a political compromise between conservative circles and a liberal opinion. Based on this and a mix of different criminological schools being debated at the time, punishment was emphasized. However, it was also made more humane. For instance, the extent of using the death penalty was restricted, as was the official penalties for child murder and extramarital sexual intercourse; see Goran Inger, Svensk rattshistoria (Stockholm, 1983), 234-48; Per-Edwin Wallen, Svensk straffrattshistoria: Nagra huvudlinjer, Del 2 (Stockholm, 1973), 5-16. Concerning the 'social issue' and fear of revolution in nineteenth-century Sweden, see Ulf Drugge and Simon Lindgren, Med dodlig utgang: Om grova valdsbrott och sociala former i 1800-talets Sverige (Umea, 2001), 271-77; Birgit Petersson, 'Den farliga underklassen': Studier i fattigdom och brottslighet i 1800-talets Sverige (Umea, 1983), 16-68; and abroad Boritch, "The Criminal Class Revisited," 139-44; Monkkonen, "A Disorderly People," 539-59; Muncie, Youth and Crime, 47-77.
(37.) Emsley, Crime and Society in England, 21-27; King, "The Rise of Juvenile Delinquency," 133-37; McDonald, "Theory and Evidence of Rising Crime," 416-17; Nilsson, '"Med hvarje ar,'" 372-81; Taussi Sjoherg, Brott och straff i Vasternorrland, 19-20; Osterberg, "Kontroll och kriminalitet," 81.
(38.) There are several reasons why all offenders are not regarded in detail. First, same did not report their residence to ministers in the Sundsvall region, probably because they were settling there on temporary basis. Second, the personal data given in the prison registers is not always apt to identity the individual in the parish registers. Common names and incomplete dates of birth jeopardized the identification process. Third, criminals sometimes gave false names. If it had been possible to identify in the parish registers every offender involved in the 714 committals reported in the prison registers during the period 1840-1880 (cf. figure 1), more migrants would have been found.
(39.) According to Swedish statistics in 1857, only one offender in ten aiming those charged and convicted was female. This ratio declined to 6 percent at the end of the century. About 25 percent of those arrested were aged 25 years or younger. Like the average criminal both in Sweden and abroad, young people usually committed their crimes in urban areas and about nine in ten were men; see Nilsson, '"Med hvarje ar," 375-78; Taussi Sjoberg, Brott och straff i Vasternorrland, 96-110; Hofer, Brott och Straff i Sverige. These results resemble quantitative findings based on criminal statistics from abroad; see Emsley, Crime and Society in England, 27-47; Fuchs, "Juvenile Delinquency in Nineteenth-Century France," 265-87; King, "The Rise of Juvenile Delinquency," 116-66; McDonald, "Theory and Evidence of Rising Crime," 404-20.
(40.) With regard to the structural changes the Sundsvall region under study witnessed in the period 1840-80, the offenders' crimes and backgrounds are more detailed and discussed in Vikstrom, "Societal Change and Individual Past."
(41.) Violent crimes are usually separated from those related to properly offences or disorderly conduct; see Hofer, Brott och straff i Sverige; Petersson, 'Den; farliga underklassen', 89-122; Sundin, For Gud, staten och folket, 23-27; Taussi Sjoberg, Brott och straff i Vasternorrland, 56-84. With regard to the limited number or cases available (320), the categorization used here is not differentiated further than this. Since disorderly conduct" is over-represented among those attested and was often combined with other misconduct, the categorization is guided by the following order: When the offenders were charged with violence and disorder (17.6 percent) violence is given priority, and when disorderly behavior and theft were combined (3.0 percent) the latter is given priority. In the few cases in which the offenders were charged with all three types of crimes (3.0 percent), violence is given priority. Advanced economic crimes were of rare occurrence among the offenders (1.6 percent) and are included in the category of theft.
(42.) J. E. Nilsson, Sundsvalls historia: Del V, Tiden 1862-1888 (Sundsvall, 1943), 137-17.
(43.) Bjorn Horgby, Den disciplinerade arbetaren: Brottslighet och social forandring i Norrkoping (Stockholm, 1986), 129-63; Monkkonen, "A Disorderly People," 551-57; Taussi Sjoberg, Brott och straff i Vasternorrland, 56-65.
(44.) Since the 1970s, women's low incidence of crime is increasingly rehired to how gendered means of socialization limited past women's access to public space and therefore reduced their options to commit crimes; cf. footnote 14.
(45.) Emsley, Crime and Society in England, 78-102; King, "The Rise of Juvenile Delinquency," 139-41; Monkkonen, "A Disorderly People," 539-59; Taussi Sjoberg, Brott och straff i Vasternorrland, 112-18.
(46.) Lenard Berlanstein, "Vagrants, Beggars and Thieves: Delinquent Boys in Mid-Nineteenth Century France," Journal of Social History 12 (1979), 531-52; Boritch, "The Criminal Class Revisited," 137-70.
(47.) Tamara K. Hareven, "The History of the Family and the Complexity of Social Change," The American Historical Review 96 (1991), 95-124; Andrejs Plakans, Kinship in the Past: Art Anthropology of European Family Life 1500-1900 (Oxford, 1984); Barry Wellman and Charles Wetherell, "Social Network Analysis of Historical Communities: Some Questions from the Present for the Past," The History of the Family 1 (1996), 97-121.
(48.) Scholars generally distinguish two types of social control, formal vs. informal, that affect criminal behavior. Legislation represents the formal one imposed by the State and performed by policemen and judicial system, whereas family, friends and neighbors exemplify informal social control. Drugge and Lindgren, Med dodlig utgang, 135-38; Krohn, "Control and Deterrence," 330-47; Muncie, Youth and Crime, 207-19; Sampson and Laub, Crime in the Making, 65-98; Sampson and Laub, "A Life-Course Theory", 133-61; Osterberg, "Kontroll och kriminalitet," 82.
(49.) Spouses, parents and children are the only type of network that the parish registers acknowledge except for siblings, but because the latter often relocated these are difficult to examine over time. Thus, the parental access focused on here masks more extensive social networks of relatives, and also of neighbors and friends.
(50.) Losing parents early in life was not an extraordinary phenomenon, however. In this region, 7.8 percent lost one or two parents before the age of ten, and this figure was one of strong stability throughout the nineteenth century; Sune Akerman, Ulf Hogberg and Tobias Andersson, "Survival of Orphans in Nineteenth-Century Sweden," in Lars-Goran Tedebrand, ed., Orphans and Fosterchildren: A Historical and Crass-Cultural Perspective (Umea, 1996), 81-85. A comparative study of the offenders in relation to non-offenders shows that the latter had access to two patents to a slightly larger extent; see Vikstrom, "Illuminating the Labeling Impact."
(51.) Boritch, "The Criminal Class Revisited," 137-70; Emsley, Crime and Society in England, 48-77, 129-37; Graff, "Crime and Punishment," 477-78, 482; Lindgren, Om brott och straff, 48-54; Monkkonen, "A Disorderly People," 239-49; Taussi Sjoberg, Brott och straff i Vasternorrland, 87-98.
(52.) Social status influences many human activities, but among scholars the means to define this has been disputed; see Robert Erikson and John H. Goldthorpe, The Constant Flux: A Study of Class Mobility in Industrial Societies (Oxford, 1992); Goran Fredriksson, "Social forandring eller historisk forandring: En studie av svensk socialhistoria" Haften for kritiska studier 15 (1980), 15-49; Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1973). Based on income, education or occupation scholars have developed different systems of social classification. The one used above employs the occupational system developed by researchers in Sweden and resembles classifications used abroad, but it is slightly modified due to the scarcity of cases linked to each categorization; cf. Edvinsson, Den osunda staden, 39-43; Marco H. D. van Leeuwen, Ineke Maas and Andrew Miles, eds., HISCO: Historical International Standard Classification of Occupations (Leuven, 2002); Vikstrom, "Gendered Routes and Courses," 49-51.
(53.) Alm Stenflo, Demographic Description, 45-46; Tedebrand, "Gamla och nya Sundsvallsbor", 101-36; Tedebrand, "Manniskor och strukturer," 192-210.
(54.) Vikstrom, "Gendered Routes and Courses," 246-71.
(55.) Lars Edgren, Larling - gesall - mastare: Hantverk och hantverkare i Malmo 1750-1847 (Lund, 1988); Lars Magnusson, Den brakiga kulturen: Forlaggare och smideshantverkare i Eskilstuna 1800-1850 (Stockholm, 1988).
(56.) Barbro Bjork and Jan-Bertil Schnell, eds., Sundsvallsstrejken: Samtida dokument och historisk belysning (Sundsvall, 1979); Jorgen Bjorklund, Strejk - forhandling - avtal Facklig aktivitet, arbets- och levnads- villkor bland sagverksarbetare i Vastermorrland 1875-1914 (Umea, 1976).
(57.) Manne Dunge, Batsman: En etnobgisk undersokning om batsmannens villkor i tva socknar i Blekinge i borjan av 1800-talet (Goteborg, 1982); Bjorn Furuhagen, Berusade bonder och brakiga batsman: Social kontroll vid sockenstammor och ting under 1700-talet (Stockholm, 1996).
(58.) Sampson and Laub, Crime in the Making, 139-78; Sampson and Laub, "A Life-Course Theory", 133-61.
(59.) For a presentation of advanced statistical survival analyses exemplified by Cox regression models, see David R. Cox, "Regression Model and Life Tables (with Discussion)," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 34 (1972), 187-220; David R. Cox and D. Oakes, Analysis of Survival Data (London, 1984); John D. Kalbfleich and Ross L. Prentice, The Statistical Analysis of Failure Time Data (New York, 1980). Comprehensive overviews and examples of lite-course approaches are found in Elder, "Perspectives on the Life Course," 23-49; Janet Z. Giele and Glenn H. Elder Jr., eds., Methods of Life Course Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches (London, 1998). With regard to past criminals, see Sampson and Laub, Crime in the Making; and to some extent concerning recidivists, see Boritch, "The Criminal Class Revisited," 137-70. Thanks to the growing access to databases that store past quantitative material, historical demographers and sociologists are increasingly applying life-course perspectives using event-history analyses; George Alter, Family and the Female Life Course: The Women of Verviers, Belgium 1849-1880 (Madison Wisconsin, 1988); Hilde Bras, "Social Change, the Institution of Service and Youth: The Case of Service in the Lives of Rural-Born Dutch Women, 1840-1940," Continuity and Change 19 (2004), 241-64; Anders Brandstrom, "A Life after Dismissal: Patients' Life Histories at a Swedish County Hospital, 1845-1890," in John Woodward and Robert Jutte, eds., Coping with Sickness: Historical Aspects of Health Care in a European Perspective (Sheffield, 1995), 93-119; Goran Brostrom, "Livsforloppsanalys: Kraftfulla analysmetoder vitaliserar demografisk forskning," Tvarsnitt 3 (2006), 36-39; Karl Mayer and Nancy B. Tuma, eds., Event History in Life Course Research (Madison Wisconsin, 1990); Vikstrom, "Gendered Routes and Courses", Vikstrom, "Illuminating the Impact".
(60.) See footnote 41.
(61.) Of course, other key variables that characterize individuals, such, as psychological character and peer networks, have an impact on human pathways. However, such personal data are impossible to uncover systematically in historical sources. The number and type of independent" variables (covariates) are restricted to the quality of the data utilized. Those selected are employed because in historical and demographic, research these variables often prove to influence individuals' life courses. To judge the impact of crime or any other independent variable, they must be incorporated into the model simultaneously; see Sampson and Laub, Crime in the taking, 168-78; John H. Laub and Robert J. Sampson, "Integrating Quantitative and Qualitative Data," in Janet Z. Giele and Glenn H. Elder Jr., eds., Methods of Life Course Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches (London, 1998), 220-23.
(62.) This time interval was constructed for comparable reasons, as the digitization of the parish registers ends in the mid 1890s and those arrested in 1880 cannot be studied beyond this truncation. The longitudinal study is also limited in time to judge evident impacts of incarceration on the offenders' life courses.
(63.) Anna Lundberg. Cure, and Coercion: Medical Knowledge, Social Policy and Patients with Venereal Disease in Sweden, "(785-1903 (Umea, 1999), 220-259; cf. Brandstrom, "A Life after Dismissal?," 93-119.
(64.) Only 6 percent were sentenced to spend more than one year in penal servitude or in prison. To reduce their penalties, those prosecuted for serious matters frequently appealed the decision of local courts by consulting higher instances, often with success.
(65.) Boritch, "The Criminal Class Revisited," 137-70; Graff, "Crime and Punishment," 477-91; Monkkonen, "A Disorderly People," 539 59; John J. Tobias, Crime and Industrial Society in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1972 ).
(66.) If the offenders were leading a dissolute life, this might however have hindered a desired relocation among them, because they either lacked resources to relocate or were denied permission to settle elsewhere as they might become a burden to the new local authority. Until the poor law of 1847, the parish hoards bad to approve migrants and some were not welcome at their new destinations. Those denied were usually old, deprived, disabled or in trouble with the law. Judicial obstacles to migration were limited after this, although the practices of these recommendations could vary among regions and parishes; Inger Eriksson and John Rogers, Rural Labor and Population Change: Social and Demographic Developments in East-Central Sweden during the Nineteenth Century (Uppsala, 1978), 180-81; Gosta Lext, Studier i svensk kyrkobokforing 1600-1946 (Goteborg, 1984), 242-82; Norberg, "Med betyget pa fickan," 151-78. Cox regression analyses of the offenders under study here and non-offenders gathered in a matched data set show that incarceration had an insignificant impact on the likelihood of departure; Vikstrom, "Illuminating the Impact."
(67.) Anders Brandstrom and Lars-Goran Tedebrand, eds., Health and Social Change: Disease, Health and Public Care in the Sundsvall District 1750-1950 (Umea, 1993); Edvinsson, Den osunda staden, 188-95; Gunnar Fridlizius, "Sex-Differential Mortality and Socio-Economic Change: Sweden 1750-1910," in Anders Brandstrom and Lars-Goran Tedebrand, eds., Society, Health and Population during the Demographic Transition (Umea, 1998), 237-72; Sam Willner, Del svaga konet? Kon och vuxendodlighet i 1800-talets Sverige (Linkoping, 1999).
(68.) See Table 1. Cox regression analyses of the female offenders under study here and non-offending women gathered in a matched data set show that incarceration had significant impact on their survival chances; see Vikstrom, "Illuminating the Impact." Whereas incarceration had no effect among men, female offenders were more than twice as likely to experience an untimely death, as was the case with the average women in the control cohort.
(69.) Soren Edvinsson, "Adult Mortality and Childhood Conditions; Long-Term Effects of Urban Life in Nineteenth-Century Sweden," in Peter Skold and Lars-Goran Tedehrand, eds., Nordic Demography in History and Present-Day Society: Scandinavian Population Studies. Volume 12 (Umea, 2001), 247-68; Gerry Kearns, "The Urban Penalty and the Population History of England," in Anders Brandstrom and Lars-Goran Tedebrand, eds., Society, Health and Population During the Demographic Transition (Umea, 1998), 213-36.
(70.) Emsley, Crime and Society in England, 232; Inger, Svensk rattshistoria, 243-44; Wallen, Svensk straffrattshistoria, 7-8.
(71.) John Hajnal, "European Marriage Patterns in Perspective," in David V. Glass and David E. C. Eversley, eds., Population in History: Essays in Historical Demography (London 1965), 101-43; Peter Laslett, "Characteristics of the Western Family Considered over Time," Journal of Family History 2 (1977), 89-116; Lundh, "The World of Hajnal Revisited, 1-28; Hans Nilsson and Lars-Goran Tedebrand, Familjer i vaxande stader: Strukturer och strategier vid familjebildning i Sverige 1840-1940 (Umea, 2005), 15-44.
(72.) Alm Stenflo, Demographic Description, 68; Anders Brandstrom, Jan Sundin and Lars-Goran Tedebrand, "Two Cities: Urban Settlement in Nineteenth-Century Sweden," The History of the Family 5 (2000), 415-29; Vikstrom, "Gendered Routes and Courses," 188-91.
(73.) It would naturally be interesting to explore more information on the characteristics of the offenders' spouses, such as their age and social status, but this is beyond the scope of this article. Demographic studies show char individuals in the surrounding region married to a larger extent than people did in the town of Sundsvall; Aim Slcnflo, Demographic Description, 63-68. However, why this was so has not been thoroughly explored. It seems as if the offenders followed this marital pattern. Hypothetically, people living in urban environments confronted larger possibilities of supporting themselves without marrying and finding a supportive spouse. In towns, partners cohabited to a larger extent without informing the ministers or authorities about their relationship; Margareta Matovic, Stockholmsaktenskap: Familjebildning och partnerval i Stockholm 1850-1890 (Stockholm, 1984).
(74.) Dramatic careers ending in upward social mobility were relatively rare among people in the past; Anders Brandstrom and Tom Ericsson, "Social Mobility and Social Networks: The Lower Middle Class in the Late Nineteenth-Century Sundsvall," in Anders Brandstrom and Lars-Goran Tedebrand, eds., Swedish Urban Demography During Industrialization (Umea, 1995), 251-83; Hartmut Kaelble, "Eras of Social Mobility in 19th and 20th Century Europe," Journal of Social History 17 (1984), 489-504; Vikstrom, "Gendered Routes and Courses," 25-27, 133-43. This mobility analysis measures upward occupational changes by social group according to the classification utilized in this survey (cf. Figure 2 and Table 8), as there would not have been enough cases or events to consider otherwise.
(75.) See Marco H. D. van Leeuwen and Ineke Maas, "Industrialization and Intergenerational Mobility in Sweden," Acta Sociologica 45 (2002), 179-94; Katherine A. Lynch, "Old and New Research in Historical Patterns of Social Mobility," Historical Methods 31 (1998), 93-98.
(76.) Jorgen Bjorklund, "Tillvaxt och differentiering: Naringslivet 1870-1940," in Lars-Goran Tedebrand, ed., Sundsvalls historia: Del 2. (Sundsvall, 1997), 7-51.
(77.) Kenneth Adams, "Developmental Aspects of Adult Crime," in Terence P. Thornberry, ed., Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency: Advances in Criminological Theory, Volume 7 (New Brunswick, 1997), 309-42; Sampson and Laub, Crime in the Making, 179-242; Sampson and Laub, "A Life-Course Theory", 145-152.
By Lotta Vikstrom
Table 1 Type of misconduct and the incidence of alcohol, vagrancy and sexual indecency among young offenders arrested during the period 1840-1880: a comparison between the town of Sundsvall and the hinterland, time periods and genders (percentages). Crime Categories of offenders when arrested characteristics reported in prison registers Percentage of All Town Hinterland 1st 2nd Men Women all within each period period category 1840-64 1865-80 Crime categorization: 1. Violence 29.1 27.6 30.5 32.4 27.4 29.9 21.9 2. Theft 34.1 37.8 30.5 41.9 30.3 31.6 56.2 3. Disorder 36.8 34.6 39.0 25.7 42.3 38.5 21.9 Incidence of: Alcohol 31.8 32.6 31.0 27.7 34.1 35.9 5.5 Vagrancy 5.4 6.7 4.2 1.4 7.8 4.0 14.5 Sexual 0.7 0.5 0.9 0.7 0.8 0.6 0.8 indecency Total (N) 320 156 164 105 215 288 32 Source: Prison registers, Research Archives, Umea University. Comments: The offenders' first occasion of incarceration is given priority. With regard to the limited number of offenders and incomplete information available in the prison registers, the crime categorization is based on the three major representations of misconduct among the offenders: violence, theft and disorderly conduct (cf. footnote 41). Explanations: 1. Violence - physical assault, breach of peace, homicide 2. Theft - property offences and larceny, including a few advanced economic crimes (forgery, fraud, swindle) 3. Disorder - disturbing behavior such as drunkenness, vagrancy, street disorder, verbal assault
Table 2 Geographical background of young offenders arrested during the period 1840-1880: a comparison between the town of Sundsvall and the hinterland, time periods and genders (percentages). Geographical Categories of offenders when arrested background when arrested Percentage of All Town Hinter-land 1st 2nd Men Women all within period period each 1840-64 1865-80 category 1. Arrested 36.6 30.8 42.1 33.3 38.1 38.5 18.8 in parish of birth 2. Born 22.8 21.8 23.8 22.9 22.8 22.2 28.1 elsewhere in region 3. Born 33.1 42.9 23.8 28.9 35.3 31.9 43.8 elsewhere in Sweden 4. Born 1.9 1.3 2.4 - 2.8 2.1 - abroad 5. Unknown 5.6 3.2 7.9 15.2 0.9 5.2 9.4 Total (%) 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Total (N) 320 156 164 105 215 288 32 Source: Prison registers, Research Archives, Umea University; Parish registers, Demographic Data Base, Umea University. Comments: Those included in the category 'Unknown' were born either abroad or in Sweden beyond the borders of the Sundsvall region (category 3).
Table 3 Parental access and its character among young offenders arrested during the period 1840-1880: a comparison between the town of Sundsvall and the hinterland, time periods and genders (percentages). Access to biological Categories of offenders when arrested parents when arrested Percentage of all within All Town Hinter-land 1st period each category 1840-64 1. Lack of biological 30.3 40.4 20.7 34.3 parents - Orphaned (9.2) (12.1) (7.1) (10.3) 2. Access to biological 69.7 59.6 79.3 65.7 parents - Living in same parish (60.0) (53.2) (66.5) (52.4) - Access to only one (25.9) (25.6) (26.2) (24.8) parent Total (%) 100 100 100 100 Total (N) 320 156 164 105 Access to biological Categories of offenders when arrested parents when arrested Percentage of all within 2nd period 1865-80 Men Women each category 1. Lack of biological 28.4 28.5 46.9 parents - Orphaned (8.6) (9.4) (8.3) 2. Access to biological 71.6 71.5 51.1 parents - Living in same parish (63.7) (61.1) (50.0) - Access to only one (26.2) (26.0) (25.0) parent Total (%) 100 100 100 Total (N) 215 288 32 Source: Prison registers, Research Archives, Umea University; Parish registers, Demographic Data Base, Umea University. Comments: According to the parish registers, the offenders in category 1 had no biological parents available in the region when arrested because they had moved away or resided elsewhere in Sweden or abroad, or because both parents were dead. The sub-category 'Orphaned' shows the extent to which the sources acknowledge that the latter was the case. Category 2 refers to the total access to biological parents regardless of where in the Sundsvall region they could be found. The sub-category 'Living in the same parish' includes the percentage of those who even resided in the same parish as the offenders when they were imprisoned. A few step and foster parents, hence other parental relationships besides biological, that were current when the offenders were arrested, appear among those reported as being orphaned when arrested (cf. category 1) and among those having access to only one biological parent, in cases in which the mother or father was married or remarried (cf. category 2).
Table 4 Percentage of departure, death, duration and recidivism within the time interval covering a maximum of 15 years after offenders' incarceration during the period 1840-1880: a comparison between the town of Sundsvall and the hinterland, time periods and genders (percentages). Percentage of Categories of offenders when arrested departure, death, duration & recidivism Percentage of All Town Hinter-land 1st 2nd Men Women all within cohort cohort each 1840-64 1865-80 category Departure 49.7 53.2 46.3 48.6 50.2 49.0 56.3 Death 10.0 10.3 9.8 11.4 9.3 9.4 15.6 Duration 40.3 36.5 43.9 40.0 40.5 41.6 28.1 Recidivism 25.6 34.0 17.7 17.2 29.8 26.4 18.8 Total (N) 320 156 164 105 215 288 32 Source: Prison registers, Research Archives, Umea University; Parish registers, Demographic Data Base, Umea University.
Table 5 Cox regression of the time between incarceration and departure or death within the time interval covering a maximum of 15 years after offenders' incarceration during the period 1840-1880. Covariates Demographics and Model 1: Departure Model 2: Death (N=320) criminal features of (N=320) offenders when arrested Coefficient Risk ratio Coefficient Risk ratio 1. Sex (ref: Women) Men -0.10 0.90 -0.52 0.59 2. Misconduct (ref: Disorder) Violence -0.28 0.76 0.10 1.11 Theft -0.28 0.76 1.11 ** 3.03 3. Age (ref: 20-25) 15-19 years 0.44 ** 1.55 -0.43 * 0.61 4. Time period (ref: 1865-1880) 1840-1864 0.31 1.37 0.33 1.39 5. Residence (rtf: The binterland) Town of Sundsvall -0.07 0.93 0.22 1.24 6. Geographical background (ref: Native) From abroad -0.12 0.89 -10.85 0.00 Inter-regional 0.52 ** 1.67 0.47 1.59 Intra-regional 0.48 ** 1.64 -0.16 0.85 Unknown -0.52 0.59 0.72 2.04 7. Parental access (ref: Both parents in the region) No patents available 0.39 1.47 -0.38 0.68 in region One parent available, -0.05 0.95 0.57 1.77 in region 8. Socio-economic status (ref: Agricultural workers) Middle social strata -0.03 0.97 1.10 3.01 Skilled laborers 0.53 * 1.70 -0.26 0.78 Unskilled laborers 0.11 1.11 0.50 1.64 Unknown, unspecified -1.48 0.23 0.97 2.62 9. Socio-economic origin (status of father) (ref: Agricultural workers) Upper and middle -0.35 0.71 -1.26 0.28 social strata Skilled laborers -0.36 0.70 -0.40 0.67 Unskilled laborers 0.28 1.32 -0.35 0.70 Unknown, unspecified 0.58 1.79 -0.61 0.55 Source: Prison registers, Research Archives, Umea University; Parish registers, Demographic Data Base, Umea University. Comments: Event-history analyses such as Cox regression models show the transition of a specific event by including the length of time between entry (i.e. date of incarceration) and exit (i.e. date of departure or death). The probability of experiencing any of these transitions is presented in risk ratios. To examine what influenced survival chances, for instance, these ratios relate to the individuals' characteristics (covariates), such as misconduct, residence and gender. For certain covariates these ratios also give information on the relationship between comparative subgroups and the reference group, whereby the latter is always defined as 1.00. Concerning the impact of misconduct on life expectancy, thieves were about 300 percent (risk ratio=3.03) as likely to experience an untimely death in comparison to those charged with disorderly conduct (the reference group). The reliability (significance) of the risk ratio depends on the P-value (probability). The lower the P-value, the more reliable the results. Results when the P-value is above the five-percent level must be considered with some caution. Explanations: *** p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05; * p < 0.10. Concerning the social classification, see Figure 2.
Table 6 Percentage of marriage reported among offenders within the time interval covering a maximum of 15 years after their incarceration during the period 1840-1880, and their mean and median age at first marriage: a comparison between the town of Sundsvall and the hinterland, time periods and genders. Percentage Categories of offenders when arrested married & age at first marriage All Town Hinter-land 1st 2nd Men Women cohort cohort 1840-64 1865-80 Marriage (% of 34.1 19.9 47.6 35.2 33.5 34.0 34.4 all within each category) Mean age 26.7 26.6 26.8 27.5 26.3 26.8 25.6 Median age 26.2 25.9 26.3 26.7 25.9 26.2 23.8 Total married 109 31 78 37 72 98 11 (N) Source: Prison registers, Research Archives, Umea University; Parish registers, Demographic Data Base, Umea University. Comments: Among the 320 individuals included in the criminal cohort, the parish registers show that 109 offenders married during the time interval considered. Only the latter are accounted for in the above table.
Table 7 Cox regression of the time between incarceration and marriage or occupational change upward within the time interval covering a maximum of 15 years after offenders' incarceration during the period 1840-1880. Covariates Model 1: Marriage Model 2: Upward Demographics and (N=320) occupational mobility criminal features of (N=228) the offenders when arrested Coefficient Risk ratio Coefficient Risk ratio 1. Sex (ref: Women) Men 0.03 1.03 0.26 1.30 2. Misconduct (ref: Disorder) Violence 0.01 1.01 0.34 1.41 Theft -0.31 0.74 -0.80 ** 0.45 3. Age (ref: 23-25) 15-18 years -0.31 * 0.74 0.31 1.36 19-22 years -0.15 0.86 0.62 * 1.86 4. Time period (ref: 1865-1880) 1840-1864 -0.13 0.88 -0.98 ** 0.37 5. Residence (ref: The hinterland) Town of Sundsvall -0.99 *** 0.37 -0.02 0.98 6. Geographical background (ref: Native) From abroad -11.76 0.00 -12.88 0.00 Inter-regional 0.65 ** 1.92 -0.02 0.98 Intra-regional 0.01 1.01 0.79 ** 2.21 Unknown 0.18 1.20 1.10 * 3.02 7. Parental access (ref: Both parents in the region) No parents available -0.45 0.64 -0.12 0.89 in region One parent available -0.18 0.83 -0.05 0.95 in region 8. Socio-economic status (ref: Agricultural workers) Middle social strata 0.36 1.43 -14.28 0.00 Skilled laborers 0.32 1.38 -1.95 ** 0.14 Unskilled laborers 0.61 ** 0.55 -1.90 *** 0.15 Unknown, unspecified -0.74 0.48 - - 9. Socio-economic origin (status of father) (ref: Agricultural workers) Upper and middle -0.17 0.85 -0.59 0.55 social strata Skilled laborers -0.03 0.97 -0.14 0.87 Unskilled laborers 0.21 1.23 -0.12 0.89 Unknown, unspecified 0.48 1.61 0.270 1.31 Source: Prison registers, Research Archives, Umea University; Parish registers, Demographic Data Base, Umea University. Comments: See Table 5. Because the number of cases allocated to higher social strata is limited (cf. Figure 2), the social classification of Model 2 is modified. Upward occupational mobility is equal to changes that cause a change of social group. Only offenders below the upper social strata (social groups 1 and 2) with an occupation reported when they were arrested and on the second occasion of measurement within the time span of 15 years are considered. When women move upwards, this is because they have attained the status of their husbands (cf. Table 6). Explanations: *** p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05; * p < 0.10 (cf. Table 5).
Table 8 Changes by social group in the social strata based on the occupation reported when the offenders were arrested during the period 1840-1880 compared to the last available notation within the time span consisting of a maximum of 15 years (N=320). Percentage of Occupational changes among offenders over time change within each social group 1 & 2 3a 3b 4 5 6a 6b Unknown 1 & 2. Large-scale - - - - - 1.3 - - entrepreneurs & higher civil officials 3a. Small-scale - 33.3 - - 3.9 2.6 1.3 - entrepreneurs 3b. Farmers - 11.1 50.0 - 2.0 - 2.5 - 4. Lower civil - - - 50.0 - 0.6 1.3 - officials 5. Skilled - - - - 49.0 7.1 15.2 - laborers 6a. Unskilled - 44.5 7.1 25.0 21.6 66.7 32.9 - laborers 6b. Agricultural - - 28.6 - 3.9 3.8 32.9 33.3 workers Unknown 100 11.1 14.3 25.0 19.6 17.9 13.9 66.7 Total (%) 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Total (N) 1 9 14 4 51 156 79 6 Source: Prison registers, Research Archives, Umea University; Parish registers, Demographic Data Base, Umea University. Comments: Highlighted cells display the percentage of occupational stability over time for the category under consideration. Figures presented in the same column but above these cells show the percentage of offenders in this category who moved upward. Similarly, figures below the cells showing persistence display the percentage that went downward in the social hierarchy. Explanations: Concerning the social classification, see Figure 2.
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